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They say sing while you slave but I just get bored.

another kick at the can

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30/03/07, Editorial, Accountability and the RCMP, (Source).
29/03/07, Timeline: RCMP scandals and setbacks since 2006, (Source).
30/03/07, Daniel Leblanc, Another gust in growing Mountie gale, (Source).
30/03/07, Jeff Sallot & Daniel Leblanc, RCMP faces twin probes in alleged pension fraud, (Source).
28/03/07, Brian Laghi & Oliver Moore, Mounties allege fraud in pension management, (Source).
30/03/07, Greg McArthur, MPs probe case of controversial RCMP agent, (Source).
29/03/07, Kady O'Malley & Chris Selley, RCMP scandal deepens, (Source).


30/03/07, Editorial, Accountability and the RCMP, (Back).

The disturbing allegations of an RCMP pension scandal made at a Commons committee this week are a natural extension of the many disasters of the force's recent past. They appear to reflect the same endemic weaknesses: poor leadership, unsound judgment and a lack of accountability. Goodwill toward the Mounties the public still has aplenty; but confidence, not much.

The big job ahead is to restore proper leadership and insist on accountability. And, of course, to get to the bottom of what went wrong and why in the Mounties' handling of fraud and abuse allegations related to the way it managed its pension plans. That will be the job both of an investigator appointed by Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day and, separately, of the Commons public accounts committee. Why, for instance, did then-commissioner Giuliano Zaccardelli kill a criminal probe into the allegations four years ago and order an internal audit instead? And why, when the matter was ultimately referred to the Ottawa Police Service, did the investigation (which produced no criminal charges) last just long enough that no internal disciplinary charges could be laid under a statute of limitations? A coincidence? And why did the lead investigator from the Ottawa police report directly to an assistant commissioner of the RCMP? "This did not give the investigation an appearance of independence," federal Auditor-General Sheila Fraser wrote last fall after probing the matter.

Trust us, the RCMP seems to be saying. On the evidence, Canadians shouldn't. Not blindly. At the Commons public safety committee yesterday, MPs considered the disturbing tale, revealed in The Globe and Mail and The Ottawa Citizen last week, of an RCMP informant paid hundreds of thousands of dollars mostly for tainted or false information; the informant went on to commit homicide, but his identity is protected by law. Public scrutiny, not trust, is what the RCMP needs.

Legitimate public doubts about the national force will be reinforced by this week's spectacle: senior Mounties crying from the heart before the public accounts committee about the lack of trustworthiness of RCMP leadership. Retired sergeant Ron Lewis told the committee that in looking into pension-fund irregularities he was "met with inaction, delays, roadblocks, obstruction and lies. The person who orchestrated most of the cover-up was Commissioner Zaccardelli." (That allegation has not been proven in court. Mr. Zaccardelli denies a cover-up occurred.)

Under Mr. Zaccardelli, the RCMP acted atrociously in the Maher Arar case. Under Mr. Zaccardelli, the Mounties may have tipped the last federal election toward the Conservative Party by announcing a criminal investigation, mid-campaign, into alleged security leaks in the Liberal finance minister's office. Mr. Zaccardelli is no longer the commissioner -- he resigned after changing his testimony about Mr. Arar before the Commons security committee -- but questions remain about how deep the problems go in the senior management of the RCMP.

An RCMP that loses the faith of its rank-and-file members will not be trusted by the Canadian public, either. The two pension investigations may show how deep the rot went, and point to how the national police force may be rescued from its misbegotten leaders.


29/03/07, Timeline: RCMP scandals and setbacks since 2006, (Back).

• January 2006: Former B.C. Mountie Gary Stevens is sentenced to 18 months in jail for sexually assaulting two teenage girls while off duty. Mr. Stevens pleaded guilty to attacking a girl in Vancouver in the early 1990s, and a girl in Terrace in 2004. He retired from the Kitimat detachment after he was charged.

• January 2006: Former RCMP Const. Nancy Sulz wins a $950,000 lawsuit for long-term harassment she suffered under her former detachment commander at the Merritt, B.C. detachment.

• February 2006: B.C. Crown prosecutors announce they won't lay charges against the RCMP constable who shot and killed Kevin St. Arnaud. The 29-year-old welder was killed Dec. 19, 2004, after a bungled robbery attempt of a local pharmacy. He was highly intoxicated at the time. Const. Ryan Sheremetta, a Vanderhoof RCMP officer in his mid-20s who at the time of the shooting had about two years experience, had reasonable grounds to believe he needed to use deadly force to protect himself from Mr. St. Arnaud, officials said. Family members maintain there's no way that Mr. St. Arnaud, unarmed and so drunk he could barely stand, could have meaningfully threatened Const. Sheremetta. After a year of waiting for the investigation to conclude, the news was “like a kick in the teeth,” Mr. St. Arnaud's mother, Dolores Young, said.

• May 2006: After a seven-month fight to clear his name, Ontario finance minister Greg Sorbara is vindicated when a Superior Court judge rules that the RCMP did not have enough evidence to accuse him of criminal wrongdoing in an ongoing criminal investigation into Royal Group Technologies Inc. Mr. Sorbara became swept up in the Royal Group case as a former director of the Woodbridge, Ont., building-products company and chairman of its audit committee. He resigned from the board in 2003 when he was sworn into cabinet. The RCMP named Mr. Sorbara in the search warrants over two property deals in the mid-1990s between Royal Group and Sorbara Group, his family's private company. In a blistering condemnation, Judge Nordheimer accused the RCMP of not doing enough investigative work before seeking the search warrants, and of tainting certain transactions to bolster their case before the judge who signed the warrants. “I am left with the nagging concern that the application for a search warrant, at least as it related to [Mr. Sorbara], was very much premature,” Judge Nordheimer said. The judge also said the RCMP provided no evidence to back up their description of the two property deals as unusual.

• July 2006: Two young officers are killed during a police chase and shoot-out in northern Saskatchewan. The RCMP says little about the deaths of constables Marc Bourdages and Robin Cameron, and the attempted murder of a third Mountie. The agency refuses repeated requests for a timeline of events July 7, but corrects earlier statements about the time of the shooting after the Globe and Mail reports the service didn't summon an ambulance until an hour after the officers were shot. The time of the shooting is revised without explanation from about 9:15 p.m. to 10:15 p.m.

• September 2006: Crown prosecutors decide no criminal charges will be laid in the controversial shooting death of a B.C. sawmill worker by a rookie RCMP constable during a jailhouse altercation. The death of 22-year-old Ian Bush in October, 2005, after his arrest over a minor incident involving an opened beer can at the local hockey rink, caused a furor in the tightly knit community of Houston, 300 kilometres west of Prince George. Many, particularly Mr. Bush's family, questioned the manner in which police investigated his death, the scant information provided to the family and the length of time taken by RCMP investigators. They also wondered how an event as insignificant as having an open beer and then giving a wrong name to police could have escalated into a confrontation ending 20 minutes later with Mr. Bush fatally shot. However, the province's Criminal Justice Branch yesterday said that the evidence supports the police officer's assertion that he acted in self-defence. B.C. Attorney-General Wally Oppal, who personally reviewed the file on Mr. Bush's death, said he is “in thorough agreement” with the decision not to lay charges.

• September 2006: The government promises an overhaul of the RCMP after a devastating inquiry report finds the federal police passed along erroneous and damaging intelligence to the U.S. about Maher Arar. “The RCMP provided American authorities with information about Mr. Arar that was inaccurate, portrayed him in a negative fashion and overstated his importance in the RCMP investigation,” Mr. Justice Dennis O'Connor said in his 822-page report. He said that when RCMP officers gave information to the United States, it increased “the risk that the information would be used for the purposes of which the RCMP would not approve, such as sending Mr. Arar to Syria.” Among his findings: - the RCMP provided inaccurate information to American authorities about Mr. Arar and his wife, Monia Mazigh, characterizing them as Islamic extremists with suspected links to al-Qaeda - the complete RCMP database on Mr. Arar was given to the Americans without the information having been screened for relevance or accuracy. The RCMP failed to give its main investigative unit — Project A-O Canada — clear direction on how to share information with U.S. authorities. Information was shared without important caveats on how it can and cannot be used, breaching RCMP policy - the U.S. government almost certainly detained and removed Mr. Arar to Syria by relying on inaccurate information about him provided by the RCMP - the RCMP, acting through the Canadian ambassador, sent Syria questions for Abdullah Almalki, another Canadian in Syrian custody. The action probably signalled to the Syrians that the RCMP approved of Mr. Almalki's imprisonment and, by extension, Mr. Arar's imprisonment - the RCMP omitted key facts when briefing senior government bureaucrats after Mr. Arar's release. For example, it failed to tell Privy Council officials that it gave information to the U.S. without attaching written caveats. It also failed to reveal that the RCMP had supplied its entire database to U.S. agencies

• September 2006: RCMP Commissioner Giuliano Zaccardelli apologizes to Mr. Arar and his family, but he also tells the House public safety and security committee that the mistakes his Mounties made in the Arar security case do not require him to resign. He says several times that Mounties corrected the record with U.S. authorities while Mr. Arar was still in U.S. custody in New York. Days later, Mr. Zaccardelli offers a new account of when he discovered his force had passed erroneous information about Mr. Arar to U.S. authorities. “Senior officials, including myself, were not informed until the inquiry completed its works,” he says in an address to the Canadian Club of Ottawa. Mr. Zaccardelli says he “made a mistake” in his earlier testimony.

• October 2006: Ontario Superior Court Judge Lynn Ratushny strikes down a federal official secrets law, saying that the RCMP tried to use it to intimidate an Ottawa journalist into revealing who had leaked her material in the Maher Arar affair. In the landmark ruling, Justice Ratushny concluded that so-called anti-leakage provisions in the Security and Information Act are unacceptably broad, vague and wide open to abuse by authorities who would seek to chill diligent journalism. Hurriedly enacted after the Sept. 11 terror attacks, the anti-leakage provisions were used by the RCMP in 2004 to seize documents from the home and office of Ottawa Citizen reporter Juliet O'Neill, after articles she wrote caused the Mounties to suspect that she was receiving leaked material. Judge Ratushny ordered that the documents be returned.

• October 2006: The case against a Prince George RCMP officer accused of having sex with underage prostitutes is thrown out by an internal disciplinary tribunal — comprised of three RCMP officers from out of province — because the force failed to bring allegations against the constable in a timely fashion. Const. Justin Harris was one of nine officers in Prince George named in investigative reports alleging links to underage prostitutes. A subsequent investigation led to the conviction of a provincial court judge. Constable Harris, however, was the only officer to face a disciplinary hearing and notified of the case against him in September, 2004. Under the RCMP Act, however, a commanding officer must launch a disciplinary hearing within one year of becoming aware of an officer's alleged misconduct. Senior members of the force in Prince George were aware in 2002 of the allegations against Const. Harris, who was not criminally charged and has maintained his innocence since the allegations against him first surfaced. In testimony before the tribunal, Const. Harris was accused of hitting a teenaged prostitute when she refused to perform oral sex on him because he didn't want to wear a condom. Another teenaged prostitute told an investigating officer Const. Harris was “drunk and aggressive” on the two occasions she had sex with him.

• October 2006: The B.C. Supreme Court hears that RCMP investigators taped a telephone conversation between Premier Gordon Campbell and his then-minister of finance, Gary Collins, during an investigation that led to an unprecedented police raid on the British Columbia Legislature in 2003. Four months later, a wide-ranging application for disclosure is filed by lawyers representing three accused in the raids which alleged the RCMP were not forthright with a judge when requesting permission to wiretap government phones after failing to get similar warrants twice before.

• November 2006: Saskatchewan RCMP Constable Thierry Jacques is sentenced to three years in jail for sexually assaulting a female prisoner while she was in custody. A judge found him guilty of taking the 26-year-old woman from her cell and sexually assaulting her in the garage at the La Ronge RCMP detachment on Sept. 4, 2004.

• November 2006: Auditor-General Sheila Fraser says the administration of the RCMP's pension fund was characterized by nepotism and favouritism in the early 2000s, resulting in the awarding of $1.3-million in wasteful contracts. But because too much time has elapsed, no one in the police force will face sanction over the abuses, Ms. Fraser adds, noting the government has only one year to discipline officials under the RCMP Act, even though audits and investigations often take longer to be completed.

The Auditor-General's report said 49 people who worked on a modernization of the RCMP pension fund in the early 2000s were hired through family and friendship connections, receiving “double the standard rate of pay” at an extra cost of $220,000.

• December 2006: Mr. Zaccardelli becomes the first commissioner in the history of the RCMP to be forced out under a cloud of controversy. He is forced to resign after his admission that he had misled a parliamentary committee on his involvement in the case of Mr. Arar, saying he had “made a mistake” in that testimony and he did not know that Mounties did not try to correct the record with the Americans at the time.

• February 2007: The RCMP lays a criminal charge against a senior Finance Canada bureaucrat after a 14-month probe into whether the former Liberal government's plans for income trusts were leaked to markets ahead of time. But the lengthy investigation, news of which likely helped defeat the Liberals in the last federal election, yielded no charges against politicians or staffers in the former governing party. The RCMP came under criticism for announcing the probe four weeks into the campaign, but insisted it was merely doing its job and not interfering in the political process. But the New Democrats and Harper Conservatives seized on it as proof that the Liberals were corrupt and deserved to be defeated in the Jan. 23, 2006, ballot.

• March 2007: The families of four Alberta Mounties killed in Mayerthorpe March 3, 2005, say they are increasingly frustrated by the wait for answers about what went wrong. The RCMP has yet to complete its internal criminal investigation, which has in turn delayed the launch of any public inquiries into the tragedy. “I would hope that by doing what they're doing they are turning over every piece of gravel, every blade of grass,” said Grace Johnston, whose son, Constable Leo Johnston, was one of the officers gunned down near Mayerthorpe, 130 kilometres northwest of Edmonton. “I would hope they're not just dragging it out for political reasons.” Constables Anthony Gordon, Brock Myrol and Peter Schiemann were also killed on March 3, 2005, when Mr. Roszko, a 46-year-old with a history of violence, ambushed all four inside a Quonset hut on his property, which was being investigated for a marijuana grow-op and stolen-vehicle-parts operation. After shooting the policemen, he killed himself. The RCMP, which was almost immediately criticized for contributing to the deaths, is once again being questioned about how well it can investigate itself. “They did no proper risk assessment, and this was a case of negligent supervision,” a former Mountie tells the Globe and Mail. “It is now two years after the fact and there has been no independent investigation and accounting, and never will be.”

• March 2007: The Commons public safety committee considers probing the witness protection program and the case of Agent E8060 — a paid RCMP informant who manufactured evidence, became a protected witness and then committed a heinous killing under his new identity. A story published by The Globe and Mail and the Ottawa Citizen reports that Richard Young, an unemployed man from Victoria, B.C., was paid hundreds of thousands of dollars for information about a crime that he concocted. His evidence was called a “cruel charade” by British Columbia Supreme Court Judge Dean Wilson. Despite the exposure of his lies, Mr. Young was placed in the federal witness protection program and, under his new identity, he was convicted of killing someone. It is a criminal offence under the Witness Protection Program Act to disclose anything about Mr. Young's new identity or who he killed. Even the victim's family cannot be told the truth.


30/03/07, Daniel Leblanc, Another gust in growing Mountie gale, (Back).

OTTAWA -- The RCMP needs to undergo a culture shift to weather the storm that is slowly engulfing the national police force, critics said yesterday.

In the latest controversy, serving and retired officers took the rare step of publicly criticizing the Mountie leadership for allegedly attempting to put the lid on the mismanagement of the force's pension fund.

Combined with past scandals, the image of the RCMP has been tarnished. For now, the criticism is oriented toward recently departed leaders, including former commissioner Guiliano Zaccardelli, and not the RCMP as a whole.

"There was a lack of accountability; there seemed to be a culture at the top of trying to cover things up or push them aside and not deal with them," Liberal MP Mark Holland said.

Mr. Holland said that things will only get better with greater civilian oversight of the RCMP.

"The answer is to have the organization be more transparent and accountable, and to be renewed at the top," he said.

Mr. Zaccardelli, who quit late last year, was seen by critics as overly protective of the force, resisting any outside scrutiny of its handling of internal matters.

That led to controversies involving the case of Maher Arar, suspicions that the RCMP inadequately investigated allegations of police brutality, the hiring of an unreliable informant in Victoria, and the mishandling of funds from the sponsorship program for the RCMP's 125th anniversary.

Lawyers acting for the B.C. Mounted Police Professional Association and the Mounted Police Association of Ontario recently wrote to Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day arguing that the rank and file have lost trust in senior management.

"The cover-up of wrongdoing and the protection of those favoured by senior management has become a common thread running through the members' complaints. In fact, RCMP management's practice of transferring officers facing legitimate complaints by regular members is now being likened to the conduct of the Catholic Church in protecting its priests accused of misconduct," said the letter from the Ontario and B.C. associations' lawyers.

In the letter, the Mounties call on Mr. Day to launch a full inquiry.

"The Force brass must be made to acknowledge its deficiencies in administration and its lacklustre treatment of regular members. The light of public scrutiny and accountability must be brought to bear if there is to be any constructive change," the letter says.

The former head of the RCMP public complaints commission said many Mounties have lost confidence in their superiors, who are seen to be unaccountable.

"The leadership certainly is lacking and the grass-root members are not well protected," said Shirley Heafey in a television interview.

The RCMP is currently headed by acting commissioner Bev Busson, who is not in contention for the permanent position.

The government has indicated that it hopes to hire a new commissioner by June. Some experts are suggesting the RCMP needs to be headed by a civilian or at least an outsider -- a proposition that would be seen inside the force as a blow.

"Sometimes, when there are these types of problems, it is not a bad idea to look outside an organization for somebody with a fresh perspective to come in and . . . be able to offer solutions to allow the organization to renew itself," Mr. Holland said.

Bloc Québécois Leader Gilles Duceppe said any major changes at the RCMP should wait for the conclusion of the inquiry into the mismanagement of the pension fund.

"I prefer to identify the illness before choosing the remedy," he said.

NDP Leader Jack Layton said the RCMP is facing morale problems and needs strong leadership. "Canadians need to have full confidence in the RCMP, and right now, that's severely shaken," he said.

In the Arar case, U.S. authorities deported Mr. Arar to Syria, acting in part on false information provided by the RCMP. The government apologized to Mr. Arar, who was tortured in his home country, and paid him $10-million in compensation.

Mr. Zaccardelli has acknowledged the need for greater oversight of the RCMP.

"I will accept any recommendation of oversight and review as long as it enables me to maintain the trust [of Canadians]," he said during a news conference after Prime Minister Stephen Harper accepted his resignation last year.


30/03/07, Jeff Sallot & Daniel Leblanc, RCMP faces twin probes in alleged pension fraud, (Back).

Ottawa to name independent investigator; ex-chief Zaccardelli denies any wrongdoing.

OTTAWA — Allegations of cover-up in the RCMP pension scandal will soon be the subject of two parallel probes -- one by a Commons committee and the other by a government-appointed investigator.

Meanwhile, Auditor-General Sheila Fraser said yesterday that her office was unable to substantiate allegations that Mounties at the highest ranks covered up nepotism and misallocation of more than $3-million in pension funds when the auditors looked at the question last year.

Nevertheless, Prime Minister Stephen Harper said the allegations that resurfaced this week "are shocking and quite disturbing" and need re-examination. Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day announced that the government will appoint an independent investigator.

Four hours later, the House public accounts committee suggested that this isn't enough, voting unanimously to continue its own probe of the case. The MPs want to hear from former Liberal ministers and will also try to determine if RCMP witnesses may have perjured themselves in testimony before the committee in February.

One of those witnesses, Deputy Commissioner Barbara George, stepped down as head of human resources for the RCMP on Wednesday and was reassigned to other duties.

Former commissioner Giuliano Zaccardelli denied he tried to sweep the scandal under the rug. He said he wants to counter the claims of former subordinates who accused him on Wednesday of being part of a cover-up. Mr. Zaccardelli resigned in December after he gave contradictory testimony to the House public safety committee about what he knew and when in the Maher Arar torture case.

"I will testify at the committee if I am called, and I have nothing to say until then, other than the allegations that were made before the committee yesterday are absolutely 100-per-cent false," he said.

Interim commissioner Bev Busson said she welcomed the plan to appoint an independent investigator and said she is "determined to get to the bottom of this as quickly and transparently as possible."

On Wednesday, Ron Lewis, a retired staff-sergeant, said he and other rank-and-file Mounties were stonewalled when they tried to get Mr. Zaccardelli and other senior managers to deal with "both criminal and code-of-conduct violations" in pension-fund administration.

"To my disappointment, I was met with inaction, delays, roadblocks, obstruction and lies," Mr. Lewis said.

"The person who orchestrated most of this cover-up was Commissioner Zaccardelli."

In addition, Chief Superintendent Fraser Macaulay testified Wednesday that "for the past several years, the RCMP has had a small group of managers who, through their actions and inactions, are responsible for serious breaches in our core values, the RCMP code of conduct, and even the Criminal Code."

Chief Superintendent Macaulay said he filed a formal internal complaint in 2003 about "misappropriation of pension funds" and excessive spending on administration. He said he was punished by management and moved out of the picture with a two-year secondment to the Canadian Forces. He also said Deputy Commissioner George told him about this secondment.

Ms. Fraser reported last November the RCMP improperly charged at least $3.4-million to the pension fund, but later paid it back. She also said "an estimated $1.3-million was charged to the pension and insurance plans to pay for commissions or products that provided little or no value, and for excessive payments to employees' friends and family members hired as temporary staff. The pension plan has been reimbursed or credited $270,280 of those unnecessary or wasteful expenditures."

Even though an RCMP disciplinary investigation found that proceeding with disciplinary action was warranted against four of its regular and civilian members, the RCMP decided too much time had elapsed, she reported in November.

Yesterday, Ms. Fraser said she undertook an audit of the pension fund after the completion of an investigation into the matter by the Ottawa police force.

Her team of auditors met with the same retired and serving RCMP officers who raised allegations of a cover-up at the public accounts committee two days ago, yet the auditors were unable to obtain enough proof to publish the information, she said.

"There were cases where people said they were moved from their jobs and that sort of thing. It's hard to get enough proof to support an allegation like that, to be able to publish anything in our report," Ms. Fraser said in an interview.

"We have a very rigorous level of proof before we can conclude on something."

Ms. Fraser said the fact the final audit did not mention the allegations does not mean they were untrue, but simply that there was not enough evidence to support them.

"Would someone have been reassigned for other reasons, and how do you draw that real link to it, was the difficulty. We can't publish allegations and we need really strong proof that that was due to that," she said.

The witnesses at the public accounts committee, she said, are angry that the RCMP did not impose any sanctions against the people responsible for the mismanagement -- a criticism of the process that she also raised in her final audit.

"I think that is probably what is most frustrating to all of those people is that at the end of the day -- there never seems to have been any kind of disciplinary action of any sort that was taken," Ms. Fraser said.

Mr. Day told reporters he will appoint an independent investigator with powers to conduct forensic audits and question witnesses. He expects a report in eight to 12 weeks, and promised it will be made public.

The latest crisis surrounding the RCMP arose so quickly that Mr. Day felt he had to announce the investigation before the investigator has actually been found.

"The abuses in question, which took place from 2000 to the year 2005, are of grave concern to us. Canada's new government believes that managers at all levels should be held accountable," Mr. Day said.

Later in the House, Mr. Day and Mr. Harper blamed the previous Liberal government for allowing the pension issue to drag on and fester for years.

Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion was having none of it, saying that if the minority Conservative government is serious about the case, it would convene a full-scale judicial commission of inquiry, with broad powers.

Late in the day, Liberals at the public accounts committee won unanimous support for a motion saying the panel will continue its own probe into the "serious issues of potential perjury, fraud and interference in criminal investigations."

The witness list includes Mr. Zaccardelli, Deputy Commissioner Paul Gauvin, Rosalie Burton, the former director general of human resources at the RCMP, and Deputy Commissioner George.

Conservatives on the committee supported the motion with the understanding that two former Liberal ministers -- Anne McLellan, who was the public safety minister, and Reg Alcock, the former treasury board president -- would also be called to testify about what they knew and when.


28/03/07, Brian Laghi & Oliver Moore, Mounties allege fraud in pension management, (Back).

Commons public accounts committee could summon senior RCMP executives to testify at emergency meeting.

OTTAWA AND TORONTO — A House of Commons committee will consider a motion Thursday to force ex-RCMP commissioner Giuliano Zaccardelli and other former senior and current RCMP officers to testify after some of their colleagues alleged fraud Wednesday in the management of their pension plans.

The explosive allegations came at a public accounts committee meeting hearing testimony about claims that millions of dollars in inappropriate charges were made to the force's pension and insurance plans.

"The RCMP has had a small group of managers who through their actions and inactions are responsible for serious breaches in our core values, the RCMP code of conduct and even the Criminal Code," Chief Superintendent Fraser Macaulay told the committee members Wednesday.

The committee will hold an emergency meeting Thursday.

"This is just stunning," said Liberal committee member Borys Wrzesnewskyj. "People are misusing rank-and-file officers' pensions. People who put their lives on the line for us."

One of the current officers who broke ranks and criticized his leaders was Sergeant Steve Walker. "Every core value and rule of ethical conduct that I held to be true and dear as a rank-and-file member of the RCMP has been decimated and defiled by employees at the highest levels of the RCMP," he said.

In an interview from his home Wednesday night, Chief Supt. Macaulay said he was shocked over the way senior RCMP officials had dealt with the pension fund allegations.

"At the end of the day, I believe that if the commissioner at the helm today was in charge then this would have not happened," he said. "Internally, things are starting to change."

He said the RCMP had the tools to handle the matter internally, but that individuals failed to react appropriately. "Our choice would have been to do it [investigate] through the processes that were in place, rather than the people in charge of those processes."

Wednesday night, RCMP deputy commissioner of human resources Barb George stepped down. The announcement was made in an e-mail circulated by acting commissioner Bev Busson.

"Deputy Commissioner George felt it would be best for the RCMP to leave her position at this time and I concurred with her decision," said the e-mail, a copy of which was provided to The Globe and Mail. "A permanent replacement will be announced shortly."

Mr. Wrzesnewskyj believes a public inquiry into the matter may be needed. He plans to ask the committee Thursday to have both Ms. George and Mr. Zaccardelli testify.

Other MPs reacted with shock to what they heard at the committee meeting.

"I'm a lawyer and I think a lot of the stuff I've heard, you know, if it was anyone else, they'd be in criminal court ... some of them may have been packing their toothbrushes for the crowbar hotel," Conservative MP Brian Fitzpatrick said.

Another committee member, Liberal MP Shawn Murphy, compared it to the Watergate scandal that toppled former U.S. president Richard Nixon. "The cover-up is worse than the crime," he said.

The committee is examining an Auditor-General's report released last November that said the administration of the RCMP pension fund was rife with nepotism in the early 2000s and that $3.1-million was diverted from the fund to other Mountie accounts. There is no evidence anyone pocketed the money, the Auditor-General's Office said.

"If not malfeasance it was misfeasance," Ms. Busson said of the scandal she inherited from Mr. Zaccardelli, who resigned earlier in the year after giving conflicting accounts to another parliamentary committee.

Assistant auditor-general Hugh McRoberts told the committee that the first whiff of trouble was apparent to an RCMP staffing officer in May, 2002.

This officer complained about nepotism in the hiring of casual employees for work in the pension office. Forty-nine of the 65 casuals were friends or relatives of Mounties, and they were paid twice the specified government rate for their type of office work.

Despite the staffing officer's expressed concerns, it was another 13 months before the RCMP opened a criminal investigation of its own members. Mr. Zaccardelli cancelled the criminal investigation two days later and instead asked for an internal audit, the Auditor-General's Office said.


30/03/07, Greg McArthur, MPs probe case of controversial RCMP agent, (Back).

Informant whose identity is protected was paid thousands, then became a killer

OTTAWA -- The Commons public safety committee passed a unanimous motion yesterday to review the witness protection program and the case of agent E8060, an RCMP informant who was paid hundreds of thousands of dollars for false information and later killed someone as a protected witness.

Joe Comartin, the NDP vice-chair of the committee, said recent news reports about the secret agent demand debate about whether Parliament should amend its witness protection law.

"It really does call into question how the program is being used," Mr. Comartin told the committee yesterday.

Rick Norlock, a Conservative committee member, said the case, as well as recent controversy over the RCMP pension plan, is "shaking the public's confidence in our most senior police force in our Dominion."

In 2001, the informant persuaded a group of Asian teenagers to follow Mounties in their cars and stake out the RCMP's Victoria headquarters. He then told his Mountie handler that the teens were conducting counter-surveillance for a suspected drug kingpin.

The phony evidence earned him a spot in the witness protection program -- a contract that was upheld even after British Columbia Supreme Court Judge Dean Wilson called Mr. Young's evidence "a cruel charade."

While in the program, and under his new identity, he killed someone -- but under the Witness Protection Program Act, it is illegal to knowingly reveal Mr. Young's new identity or any details about his crime. It is forbidden to even tell the family of the deceased.

That rigid restriction will complicate the committee's digging, Mr. Comartin said after the meeting.

The only way Mr. Young's identity and crime can be lawfully revealed is if he consents to the release of the information, or if he blabbed about his protected status in such a way that Acting RCMP Commissioner Bev Busson is comfortable releasing it.

Acting Commissioner Busson can also expose him if she deems that it is in "the public interest" and necessary to investigate, or prevent, a serious offence. She may have a difficult decision to make, Mr. Comartin said.

"If I don't get satisfactory answers, I, and I expect the committee, will call upon . . . her to exercise her discretion and revoke his protection," he said after the committee's meeting.

Mr. Comartin also speculated that some meetings might take place in camera because of the sensitivity surrounding the law.

On April 19, the committee is expected to get a general briefing on the program from the RCMP, as well as the departments of Justice and Public Safety. It will also assemble a witness list.

Mr. Comartin said he expects to call Tom Bulmer, the Victoria defence lawyer who exposed Mr. Young's scheme in court and has repeatedly called for a public inquiry into the conduct of the secret agent.

At yesterday's meeting, there was some disagreement about the focus of the review.

Mr. Comartin, who drafted the motion along with Liberal Sue Barnes, said he'd like to explore the particulars of the case, while Conservative Dave MacKenzie said he wanted to stick to the "global picture" of the witness protection program.


29/03/07, Kady O'Malley & Chris Selley, RCMP scandal deepens, (Back).

Officers allege highest levels of force involved in coverup of pension fraud.

The followup:
It's not quite the full judicial inquiry that opposition MPs have been demanding, but it's a start. Following the previous day's incendiary allegations of fraud, theft and corruption within the most senior ranks of the RCMP, Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day announced Thursday that he would be appointing an independent investigator "to determine once and for all what actually happened."

Day was not ready to provide much in the way of details, including the name of the individual he hopes to appoint. But he assured reporters that he would have the confidence of both the public and the government.

As for the decision not to establish a full judicial inquiry, Day pointed out that such probes generally take months or even years to report back. "We want information immediately," he said.

Meanwhile, in a unanimous vote that might have had as much to do with partisan bluffery as all-party solidarity, the Public Accounts Committee voted to continue its investigation - an outcome that may have taken the government by surprise, given the announcement just hours before that it would be appointing an independent investigator to look into the affair.

The various investigations could see two former Liberal cabinet ministers and a senior security advisor to Stephen Harper questioned about what they knew about the pension scandal and when they knew it.

According to Sgt. Ron Lewis, former public safety minister Anne McLellan and former Treasury Board president Reg Alcock were informed of concerns over a coverup that allegedly involved senior officials - including former RCMP Commissioner Giuliiano Zaccardelli - in February 2004, but did nothing.

Lewis says he provided the ministers with a 60-page document that gave "the whole story, basically." That, he says, includes "the inaction, the lies, the obstruction, the delays and the actual allegations of what they were, how much money's involved." He says that he asked the ministers to pass the information on to the Auditor General - who ultimately concluded that the matter lay outside the scope of her audit. - but that there "was no response from them."

In fact, he said, when questioned in the House of Commons about the matter, McLellan replied that there was "no reason" to investigate the RCMP Commissioner.

During Thursday's Question Period, Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day blamed his Liberal predecessors - going so far as to suggest the current Liberal caucus is attempting to stonewall further investigation into the case.

But the current government may not be untouched by the controversy, either. According to Lewis' testimony, he also tried unsuccessfully to get a response from McLellan's deputy, Margaret Bloodworth - since appointed National Security Advisor by Harper.

The story:
The Commons Public Accounts Committee held an emergency meeting on Thursday to discuss allegations of fraud at the highest levels of the RCMP.

Following the meeting, Committee chair Shawn Murphy joined fellow Liberal MP Borys Wrzesnewskyj in calling for a full public inquiry into alleged corruption and cover-ups among senior RCMP brass.

Conservative MP John Williams echoed calls for a more thorough investigation, telling CTV News that he "would rather see a judicial inquiry into this, because… the forum of the public accounts committee can never get to the bottom of this."

Nevertheless, Williams said he was eager to give former RCMP commissioner Giuliano Zaccardelli an opportunity to appear before the committee to "explain his role."
On Wednesday, RCMP officers testified before the committee that there was a cover-up in the abuse of the police force's pension fund. They said senior members of the force - including then-commissioner Giuliano Zaccardelli - tried to stall an investigation into the matter after the allegations first arose.

"I was met with inaction, delays, roadblocks, obstruction and lies," retired staff sergeant Ron Lewis told the committee. "[The] person who orchestrated most of this coverup was commissioner Zaccardelli."

At the time, Lewis was in charge of internal staff relations. He asked the Auditor General to further investigate the allegations; her subsequent report found the pension fund had fallen victim to nepotism and that useless contracts had been awarded using money from the pension and insurance funds.

On Wednesday, several other officers backed Lewis' claims about the misuse of the pension funds.

"For the past few years, the RCMP has had a small group of managers who, through their actions and inactions, are responsible for serious breeches in our core values, the RCMP code of conduct and even the Criminal Code," Chief Supt. Fraser MacAulay said.

"Every core value and rule of ethical conduct that I held to be true and dear as a rank-and-file member of the RCMP has been decimated and defiled by employees at the highest levels of the RCMP," Sgt. Steve Walker added.

The committee is now considering a motion to force Zaccardelli and other senior officers to testify about the allegations.

"This is just stunning," Liberal committee member Borys Wrzesnewskyj said. "People are misusing rank-and-file officers' pensions. People who put their lives on the line for us."

The Deputy Commissioner of human resources for the RCMP, Barb George, resigned on Wednesday night following the officers' testimony.

Background:
Wednesday's testimony only emboldened accusations of a cover-up expressed by committee members last month after they received unsatisfying answers from senior Mounties about the Auditor General's report.

Fraser found that dozens of employees had been hired through nepotism and in some cases been overpaid, at a total cost to the taxpayer of around $1.3-million. The report also found that $3.1-million had made its way from the pension fund to other RCMP accounts - though not to any individuals.

The slow pace of the investigation, conducted by Ottawa police, meant that a statute of limitations under the RCMP Act expired before anyone could be held to account.
"The real question we're asking here is whether there has been a cover-up," NDP MP David Christopherson said at the time. "Nobody has called it that, but that's really what's in front of us."

"Are we to forget everything that happened with this case? Is it really too late to do something?" asked frustrated Bloc Québécois MP Paule Brunelle.

Rank-and-file officers have also expressed their disgust with the situation. In September of last year, members of the RCMP's staff relations representative committee drafted a memo describing the handling of the investigation as "truly unacceptable."

"'Accountability,' as specific and tough as that word sounds, has become a vague, loose term in our organization," the memo read. "We will not accept this behaviour from employee/members of the RCMP at any category or years of service, just as we would not expect members in the field to drop the ball on alleged wrongdoings/investigations in their communities."

This week's developments cast further doubts on the RCMP as a whole. Commissioner Giuliano Zaccardelli, who presided over the pension fund investigation, resigned in December after months of withering criticism over the Mounties' involvement in Maher Arar's deportation to Syria - particularly over his conflicting testimony to a Commons committee.

Questions about the adequacy of training and communications in the force have been raised in the wake of fatal shooting incidents in Meyerthorpe, Alta. and Mildred, Sask., which saw six officers shot and killed in less than two years. The one-year statute of limitations in the RCMP Act was also criticized in October of last year, after a British Columbia officer escaped sanction for various prostitution-related allegations.

(Back)

Situação de Emergência - n° 09-2007

Post
14/03/07, 20 toneladas de peixe surgem mortas na praia, (Source).
26/03/07, Desastre ambiental vitima 50 toneladas de peixe na BA, (Source).
26/03/07, Tiago Décimo, Desastre ambiental mata 50 toneladas de peixe na Bahia, (Source).
26/03/07, Desastre ambiental vitima 50 toneladas de peixe na BA, (Source).
27/03/06, Ibama intensifica combate à pesca com explosivo na Bahia, (Source).
28/03/07, O Eco, Salada verde, (Source).
26/03/07, Moradores de Salinas começam a passar fome, (Source).
23/03/07, Nádya Argôlo, Fim de semana de alerta, (Source).


14/03/07, 20 toneladas de peixe surgem mortas na praia, (Back).

Ao menos 20 toneladas de peixes, mariscos e crustáceos apareceram mortos em praias da baía de Todos os Santos nos últimos seis dias, conforme a Folha de S.Paulo.
Segundo o Centro de Recursos Ambientais (CRA), da Secretaria do Meio Ambiente e Recursos Hídricos, quase 80% dos peixes mortos estavam em duas praias - Cabuçu e Bom Jesus dos Pobres, na região de Saubara (96 km de Salvador).

Amostras da água e dos peixes mortos serão analisadas em um laboratório do Centro de Tecnologia Industrial Pedro Ribeiro, do Sesi/ Senai. O resultado deverá ser divulgado em uma semana.

Aos técnicos que estiveram ontem no local, pescadores contaram que perceberam a presença de um líquido avermelhado nas praias na última semana. Para o CRA, a poluição das fábricas da região e o gasoduto da Petrobras podem ter contaminado as praias.

"Vamos aguardar a perícia para tomar as providências necessárias", disse a delegada Sônia Reuter. Por determinação da delegada, peritos de Alagoinhas (BA) estão investigando a eventual presença de vestígios de pólvora nas lanchas apreendidas.


26/03/07, Desastre ambiental vitima 50 toneladas de peixe na BA, (Back).

Os municípios de Santo Amaro da Purificação, Saubara e Madre de Deus, na Baía de Todos os Santos, na Bahia, decretaram situação de emergência por causa do desastre ambiental que vitimou, até agora, cerca de 50 toneladas de peixes e frutos do mar na região. Desde o dia 17, os pescadores dos municípios estão proibidos de trabalhar nas águas da baía, por causa da suspeita de contaminação. O governo estadual já homologou o decreto de Santo Amaro e prometeu enviar 2 mil cestas básicas à região, para tentar contornar a situação.

O Centro de Recursos Ambientais (CRA), que investiga as causas da mortandade, só deve emitir o laudo conclusivo sobre o acidente em duas semanas. Originalmente, pensou-se tratar de um desastre causado por pesca com bombas, ainda comum no Estado. Como a pesca foi totalmente proibida na área e os peixes e frutos do mar mortos continuaram aparecendo, a contaminação da água foi apontada como a causa do desastre, mas não se sabe se ela foi causada por resíduos químicos industriais ou por proliferação de algas.


26/03/07, Tiago Décimo, Desastre ambiental mata 50 toneladas de peixe na Bahia, (Back).

Governo do Estado vai enviar 2 mil cestas básicas a três municípios.

SALVADOR - Os municípios de Santo Amaro da Purificação, Saubara e Madre de Deus, na Baía de Todos os Santos, na Bahia, decretaram situação de emergência por conta do desastre ambiental que vitimou, até agora, cerca de 50 toneladas de peixes e frutos do mar na região.

Desde o dia 17, os pescadores dos municípios estão proibidos de trabalhar nas águas da baía, por causa da suspeita de contaminação. O governo estadual já homologou o decreto de Santo Amaro e prometeu enviar 2 mil cestas básicas à região, para tentar contornar a situação.

O Centro de Recursos Ambientais (CRA), que investiga as causas da mortandade, só deve emitir o laudo conclusivo sobre o acidente em duas semanas. Originalmente, pensou-se tratar de um desastre causado por pesca com bombas, ainda comum no Estado.

Como a pesca foi totalmente proibida na área e os peixes e frutos do mar mortos continuaram aparecendo, a contaminação da água foi apontada como a causa do desastre, mas não se sabe se ela foi causada por resíduos químicos industriais ou por proliferação de algas.


26/03/07, Desastre ambiental vitima 50 toneladas de peixe na BA, (Back).

16h36-Os municípios de Santo Amaro da Purificação, Saubara e Madre de Deus, na Baía de Todos os Santos, na Bahia, decretaram situação de emergência por causa do desastre ambiental que vitimou cerca de 50 toneladas de peixes e frutos do mar na região. Desde o dia 17, os pescadores dos municípios estão proibidos de trabalhar nas águas da baía, por causa da suspeita de contaminação. O governo estadual já homologou o decreto de Santo Amaro e prometeu enviar 2 mil cestas básicas à região, para tentar contornar a situação.

O Centro de Recursos Ambientais (CRA), que investiga as causas da mortandade, só deve emitir o laudo conclusivo sobre o acidente em duas semanas. Originalmente, pensou-se tratar de um desastre causado por pesca com bombas, ainda comum no Estado. Como a pesca foi totalmente proibida na área e os peixes e frutos do mar mortos continuaram aparecendo, a contaminação da água foi apontada como a causa do desastre, mas não se sabe se ela foi causada por resíduos químicos industriais ou por proliferação de algas.


27/03/06, Ibama intensifica combate à pesca com explosivo na Bahia, (Back).

A Operação Carapeba, que reúne os efetivos do Ibama/BA, do Centro de Recursos Ambientais - CRA e das Polícias Federal e Militar da Bahia no combate à pesca predatória com utilização de explosivos na região da Baía de Todos os Santos, vai ter continuidade em 2006 de forma ainda mais intensa, agregando inclusive novos parceiros institucionais ao programa.

Essa decisão foi tomada na manhã de ontem (15) em uma reunião na sede do Ibama, presidida pelo gerente executivo do instituto, Julio Rocha, com a presença de representantes de várias instituições, como Polícia Militar, Policia Federal, Exército, Petrobras, Companhia das Docas do Estado da Bahia ? Codeba, Prefeitura Municipal de Salvador, Agência Brasileira de Inteligência ? ABIN e Centro de Recursos Ambientais ? CRA.

A reunião, convocada pelo Ibama, foi realizada com o objetivo de se analisar os resultados obtidos até o momento com a Operação Carapeba - iniciada no ano passado -, e traçar novos planos de combate à pesca com bomba, como é popularmente conhecida a prática de se pescar utilizando explosivos, em vários pontos do estado, sendo mais freqüente na Baía de Todos os Santos.

Essa prática nociva causou no último domingo (12), a morte de um pedreiro na Baía de Todos os Santos. Segundo a polícia, a bomba que ele pretendia lançar ao mar explodiu em suas mãos segundos antes de concretizar o intento, causando a morte súbita. No final do ano passado, outro acidente envolvendo explosivo chocou a população da cidade, quando morreu um cabeleireiro que mergulhava nas imediações de um barco cujos ocupantes praticavam a pesca com bomba. Ele também teve morte imediata, causada pelo rompimento de seus órgãos internos.

Como forma de combater a pesca predatória e evitar que tragédias como as acima citadas voltem a ocorrer, as instituições que se reuniram com o Ibama irão formalizar dentro de aproximadamente 20 dias um Protocolo de Intenções, onde cada Órgão envolvido terá especificado a sua forma de apoio no programa.

Educação Ambiental e Intensificação no processo de fiscalização foram os dois temas de consenso, que necessitam ser implementados de maneira mais contundente.

Entre as sugestões apresentadas, destacam-se: a elaboração de um Plano Específico de Educação Ambiental, confecção de cartazes e folders da Operação Carapeba visando sua divulgação, realização de curso específico de Agentes Ambientais Voluntários, entre outros.

Os participantes também aprovaram a idéia de criação de um banco de dados compartilhado para troca de informações e a solicitação à Assembléia Legislativa do estado da aprovação do dia de combate à pesca com bomba no Estado da Bahia.


28/03/07, O Eco, Salada verde, (Back).

Assunto obscuro

A mortandade de 50 toneladas de peixes, crustáceos e mariscos na baía de Todos os Santos (BA) é um mistério sem data para ser esclarecido. O diretor de fiscalização e monitoramento ambiental do Centro de Recursos Ambientais (CRA), Ronaldo Martins, desmentiu as informações veiculadas nesta quarta-feira no jornal Folha de S. Paulo. Segundo ele, não é verdade que um laudo do CRA tenha verificado a existência nas águas da baía dos produtos químicos Tricloropropano e BHC.

A perder de vista

Ainda não é conhecida a causa do desastre ambiental. Mas os técnicos descartaram a pesca com bomba. Os primeiros peixes analisados pelos laboratórios do SENAI-CETIND, na Bahia, estavam ilesos, o que comprova a tese de que a morte foi repentina e causada por químicos. Outros centros de pesquisa do Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo e Bahia também estudam amostras de peixes da região para concluir os motivos da mortandade.

Poluição crônica

O último relatório de avaliação e monitoramento da qualidade das águas e sedimentos da baía de Todos os Santos desenvolvido pelo CRA aconteceu em 2005 e não está disponível no site do órgão. O resultado do trabalho não foi muito diferente daquilo que já se sabia: a baía sofre de poluição crônica devido aos lançamentos industriais e esgotos no entorno de suas águas. Martins afirma, no entanto, que uma mortandade de peixes como essa jamais foi registrada na região.


26/03/07, Moradores de Salinas começam a passar fome, (Back).

Em apenas um dos três municípios atingidos pela mortandade de peixes da Baía de Todos os Santos, cerca de doze mil famílias dependem da pesca. Sem poder trabalhar e vender o produto, muitos moradores começam a passar fome. Em Conceição de Salinas, distrito de Salinas da Margarida, os pescadores recolheram as redes, encostaram os barcos. Estão sem saber o que fazer. 'Nós estamos sem comer. O que nos sustenta é a pesca', afirma o pescador Joelinton Pereira.

As marisqueiras estão assustadas. Até quem tem geladeira cheia de siri catado está enfrentando problemas. Ninguém consegue vender, porque não há comprador - mesmo que tudo tenha sido pescado ou catado antes da mortandade de peixes. 'Nós estamos sofrendo muito. Quando chega meio-dia, nós não temos uma panela com comida para dar ao filho', reclama a marisqueira Maria da Conceição.

Desde sábado (24), a Prefeitura de Salinas está distribuindo cestas básicas para duas mil famílias. O prefeito quer a decretação de um período de defeso especial, para que todos recebam salário-desemprego. 'Será apenas por um período, para que os técnicos possam calcular em quanto tempo o mar pode se recuperar', propõe Francisco Santana.

Até agora, nove praias de três municípios foram atingidas. Os prefeitos de Saubara, Santo Amaro e Salinas da Margarida decretaram situação de emergência. Segundo o Centro de Recursos Ambientais (CRA), a causa foi contaminação química. A origem, no entanto, ainda é desconhecida. Quem comeu marisco, peixe ou siri passou mal. O Hospital de Salinas da Margarida tem atendido cinco pessoas, em média, todos os dias.


23/03/07, Nádya Argôlo, Fim de semana de alerta, (Back).

A diretora Beth Wagner está no comando geral dos monitoramentos de fiscalização do CRA nas praias do recôncavo baiano, atingidas pela mortandade de peixes, mariscos e crustáceos e tem a agenda cheia neste final de semana. No sábado, dia 24, às 9h, Beth Wagner estará em Salinas das Margaridas, reunida com o prefeito Francisco José Santana e a comunidade de pescadores do município, na Quadra Poli-Esportiva. À tarde, a partir das 15h, tem encontro marcado na Associação das Marisqueiras, em Bom Jesus dos Pobres. No domingo, dia 25, às 10h, Beth se encontra com os pescadores de Acupe, na sede da Filarmônica do distrito santamarense, e às 15h, tem reunião agendada na Colônia dos Pescadores de Bom Jesus dos Passos, em Madre de Deus.

No final da tarde desta sexta-feira, dia 23, chegou ao Centro de Recursos Ambientais, ofício da Prefeitura Municipal de Santo Amaro, assinado pelo prefeito João Roberto Pereira de Melo, dirigido à diretora Geral Beth Wagner, informando que foi decretado no município Situação de Emergência - n° 09-2007, diante do desastre ambiental.

Contatos - Mesmo antes de participar da reunião agendada para as 9h, desta sexta-feira, dia 23, pela Colônia de Pesca Z-16 de Saubara, a diretora Geral do Centro de Recursos Ambientais, Beth Wagner, fez questão de ouvir separadamente os representantes das associações de pescados e mariscos, além de ambientalistas da região, preocupada com o acidente ambiental nas praias do recôncavo baiano. Beth disse que todos do CRA estão de plantão permanente, não tem sábado ou domingo, monitorando esta tragédia que ocorreu na região. Ela destacou ainda a importância de que as entidades se organizem e encaminhem suas propostas aos órgãos competentes, porque todos têm que mensurar o sofrimento dos que vivem da pesca e estão impossibilitados de exercerem suas atividades e, consequentemente, alimentarem suas famílias.

Só depois Beth se dirigiu ao Espaço Ozório, onde mais de mil pessoas estavam presentes, segundo estimativa da Polícia Civil, acompanhada do diretor e da coordenadora de Fiscalização e Monitoramento Ambiental, respectivamente, Ronaldo Martins e Carla Fabíola, além do coordenador da Avaliação Ambiental, Wilson Rossi e por técnicos do CRA, que desde o dia 8 de março monitoram a maior mortandade de peixes, mariscos e crustáceos ocorrida na região, atingindo diretamente uma comunidade total de mais de sete mil pessoas que vivem da pesca.

A reunião foi agendada pelo presidente da Colônia de Pescadores de Saubara Z-16, que também é presidente da Federação dos Pescadores e Aqüicultores do Estado da Bahia, José Carlos Rodrigues, e ainda com representantes de órgãos como o Ibama, Coopa, Petrobras, Polícia Civil, Capitania dos Portos, Vigilância Sanitária, Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Social - SEDES, Secretaria Federal de Agricultura e Pesca- SEAP, Bahia Pesca, além dos prefeitos e secretários de Meio Ambiente de São Francisco do Conde, Santo Amaro e Saubara, pescadores, marisqueiras e moradores das localidades atingidas pela mortandade dos peixes.

O encontro foi marcado desde o início desta semana para avaliar as ocorrências e monitoramentos, divulgar os primeiros resultados das análises feitas pelo CRA e que teriam, além da pesca com bomba, causado as mortes dos peixes, mariscos e crustáceos. A reunião ainda foi proposta para anunciar providências no sentido de amenizar a situação de emergência decretada pela Prefeitura de Saubara há 10 dias. A orientação do CRA de não consumir pescados e não utilizar as praias para o banho de mar, permanecem, até que os resultados finais indiquem as causas da contaminação química.

Na manhã da última quarta-feira, dia 21, aconteceu uma reunião na Prefeitura de Saubara quando estiveram presentes o prefeito, Antônio Raimundo de Araújo, o secretário de Meio Ambiente do município, João Carlos; a secretária de Meio Ambiente de São Francisco do Conde, Maria Amélia Martins; o representante da Coordenação de Defesa Civil da Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Social e Combate a Pobreza - CORDEC, Antonio Rodrigues; a representante do Secretaria Federal de Agricultura e Pesca - SEAP, Iranildes Bahia além de uma equipe técnica do CRA e representantes das Colônias de Pescadores.

Na oportunidade foi anunciado ao prefeito que o Governo Federal disponibilizou duas mil cestas básicas para serem distribuídas para a população como forma de amenizar a situação dos pescadores e marisqueiras que estão sem condições de trabalho desde que a mortandade de peixes começou, ou seja, há 15 dias, quando foi decretado estado de calamidade pública.

Primeiros resultados - O diretor de Fiscalização do Centro de Recursos Ambientais, o engenheiro químico Ronaldo Martins, mais uma equipe multidisciplinar formada por coordenadores, assessores e técnicos do órgão estiveram reunidos na manhã da última quinta-feira, dia 22, juntamente com a diretoria da Hydros - empresa de consultoria que recentemente realizou um diagnóstico para o CRA sobre a Baía de Todos os Santos - para analisar os primeiros resultados dos laudos técnicos que começaram a chegar ao CRA encaminhados pelo laboratório do Centro de Tecnologia Industrial Pedro Ribeiro - Cetind, do Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Industrial - Senai.

Nas fiscalizações realizadas pelo órgão ambiental foi verificada uma extensa mancha entre as cores vermelha e ferrugem, a 150 metros da praia - numa dimensão que vai da localidade de Bom Jesus dos Pobres até São Francisco do Conde, passando por Cabuçu, Saubara, Itapema e Acupe. De acordo com as observações de campo essa mancha é constituída por algas marinhas. Coleta dessas algas já foi efetuada para a identificação após espécies e sua toxicidade.

O CRA, entretanto, ainda não descarta a possibilidade de contaminação química decorrente dos empreendimentos localizados na área como gasodutos, fábrica de papel, fazendas de camarão, entre outros, e por isso mesmo tem realizado varreduras e monitoramentos diários, desde o dia 8 de março, quando a autarquia foi informada da mortandade de peixes, mariscos e crustáceos na região.

Coletas - Hoje, dia 23, na preamar - maré alta, às 5h30 da manhã, mais uma coleta foi realizada, precisamente na faixa escura do oceano, quando amostras de algas e água foram recolhidas para serem analisadas sob novos parâmetros. Na madrugada de domingo para segunda-feira, ou seja, de 18 para 19, também uma coleta de peixes e águas foi realizada e, desta vez, encaminhada ao laboratório do Instituto de Biologia, da Universidade Federal da Bahia, para que outros componentes de contaminação possam ser investigados.

Na matriz água foram analisados parâmetros que demandam um tempo de investigação como organoclorados, organofosforados, voláteis, semi - voláteis e bifenilas policloradas, detalhou o coordenador de Avaliação Ambiental do CRA, Wilson Rossi.

Apuração - Os danos que causaram a morte dos peixes, em uma quantidade de mais de 30 toneladas, conforme dimensionou a Prefeitura de Saubara, não foram causados apenas pela pesca com bombas e explosivos, segundo já constataram o CRA e a Polícia Civil do município.

Na semana passada foram identificados novos indícios de outros agentes do desequilíbrio ambiental, como a coloração avermelhada/ferruginosa de aspecto barrento, na localidade de Ponta de Saubara, o que constata a possibilidade de fonte contaminante. Este agravante sinalizou ao órgão de meio ambiente do Estado que são necessárias novas e mais investigações assim como monitoramentos de forma diária e sistematicamente.

(Back)

27/03/07, Margaret Wente, Just another end-is-nigh climate guy?

Post
Here's the headline news from Tim Flannery, Australian of the Year: The climate is changing much faster than we thought even a short time ago. These changes will be vast and certainly catastrophic if we do not act. Thousands of species -- including our polar bear -- are headed for extinction. The collapse of the Gulf Stream could trigger a new nuclear arms race and usher in a nightmare era of global conflict. Left unchecked, climate change could well bring about the end of our civilization.

Whew. Pretty grim stuff. Yet Mr. Flannery swears he's no alarmist. "Just because the news is alarming doesn't mean the messenger is alarmist." His book The Weather Makers is riding high on the international bestseller lists, and he's a hot commodity on the speaking circuit. (He's addressing a think-tank conference for Canadian politicians today.) In Australia, where a severe drought has pushed climate change to the top of the agenda, he's at least as influential as Al Gore. The two have other things in common. Both simplify the science, cherry-pick the evidence and play down the uncertainties. They make it seem as if massive action is a no-brainer.

Too right, mate. We all want to do something. But what? How? What kinds of policies make sense? And what about the rest of the world? China, the fastest-growing carbon emitter on the planet, is building a new coal plant every week. Why should it sacrifice its prosperity to save our polar bears?

Mr. Flannery confesses that he gave short shrift to the dilemma of big developing countries. "The reason I don't talk about that is that it's a perfect formula for doing nothing." The flip side of this end-is-nigh pessimism is a remarkably cheery faith in new technologies and the prospect of global co-operation. "There is quite a significant shift even in China," he says optimistically. "They're talking a lot about renewable energy. The richest man in China makes solar panels." One day, he predicts, China could be the supplier of cheap solar panels to the world.

Maybe so. But Mr. Flannery prefers to gloss over the unpalatable economic tradeoffs that people and their governments are probably not prepared to make. For example, he thinks Australia ought to get out of the coal business. Like Mr. Gore (and unlike David Suzuki, who believes we must drastically cut our standard of living in order to avert Armageddon), Mr. Flannery basically promises climate gain without pain. He's also partial to massive social-engineering schemes. For example, he argues that the only equitable way to reduce emissions is to grant every human being an equal "right to pollute" with greenhouse gases. Under this system, developed countries would have to buy enough carbon credits from poor countries to cover their emissions. This would have the added (in his view) advantage of redistributing wealth from the greedy West to the impoverished rest.

Does such a scheme have a chance? Not on this planet.

Mr. Flannery admits that emissions trading in Europe has been a flop (he blames the Italians for gaming the system, although they're not the only ones), and that the Kyoto targets are meaningless. He's for Kyoto anyway. "It's like a baby. It's useless when it's born. It needs nurturing, and then you can build it into anything you want it to be." He also points out that everything in his book is based on reputable scientific studies published in major journals, such as Nature.

What he doesn't say is that he tends to pick the most sensational studies and ignore the ones that contradict them. About the starving polar bears, he writes: "It looks as if the loss of nanuk may mark the beginning of the collapse of the entire Arctic ecosystem." Just one problem. The polar bear population is booming. And they've weathered climate changes far longer than humans have. Mr. Flannery was a bit defensive when I raised this. "You'll always find an expert to contradict any study."

Mr. Flannery is a very influential man. I hope his predictions of imminent catastrophe are wrong, because his ideas for tackling global warming are pretty lame. Do I have better ones? Nope. My point is, the real debates have only just begun.

22/02/07, Gwynne Dyer, A Quick Fix

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Astonishingly, it was Australia's Liberal government, so deeply sunk in climate change denial for so long, that took the radical step of banning incandescent light-bulbs. But then, Prime Minister John Howard faces an election later this year, and Australia has been suffering from the worst and longest drought in its modern history, so the electorate has been getting worried about climate change.

Severe drought is the main predicted effect of global warming in the temperate regions of the globe. Australia is already the most arid of the world's inhabited continents, and speculation has been mounting that the current drought may portend a drastic fall in the country's ability to grow food. A political gesture was needed, and the light-bulb industry is a lot easier to take on than the coal industry.

The gesture is cynical, but it is also amazingly effective. As Australia's Environment Minister Bill Turnbull pointed out, "If the whole world switches to these (fluorescent) bulbs today, we would reduce our consumption of electricity (worldwide) by an amount equal to five times Australia's annual consumption of electricity." In other words, it would be like turning off all the lights, fans, televisions, computers, fridges, ovens and air conditioners in Japan, and most of the industrial machinery as well. That is a quick fix that would really make a difference.

The incandescent bulb was invented 125 years ago, and has changed little since. Only five percent of the electricity it consumes is converted into light, with most being wasted as heat, but it still accounts for the vast majority of the bulbs that light homes and workplaces around the world. The compact florescent bulb that should have replaced it long ago uses only one-fifth as much electricity, and lasts ten to twenty times as long.

Compact fluorescent bulbs are more expensive, and early ones gave a cold white light that many people did not like (but that has been remedied in newer models). They cannot replace spotlights, candle bulbs, or halogen lights, and they are trickier to recycle. But they could replace 99 percent of conventional incandescent bulbs in a year or two (since the latter burn out so often), and the average country's electricity consumption would immediately fall by about two percent. Domestic electricity bills would fall by around 15 percent.

It's a cheap, quick, one-time fix, but we need such fixes, because the situation is much worse than the experts thought even five years ago. What we do in the next ten or twenty years will make the difference between a 1.5 degrees C hotter world and a 3 degrees C hotter world in the 2060s and 2070s. [See below] That is probably the difference between great discomfort and inconvenience on the one hand, and global famine, global refugee flows and global war on the other.

Climate change is cumulative, with the greenhouse gases we emit today hanging around year after year to distort the climate further, so quick fixes are not to be despised. Even if the tipping point has finally arrived in terms of public attitudes towards climate change, it will take years to translate good intentions into global treaties -- and a one percent cut in emissions this year is as good as a two or three percent cut in 2015. Changing the light-bulbs is something we can do this year.

There are other quick fixes that could offer comparable returns. Just banning all electrical appliances whose "standby" function consumes more than one watt of power would cut global CO2 emissions by an estimated one percent. (The "standby" function means that the appliance comes on right away, rather than warming up for a few seconds first -- but current "standby" programmes use up to 10 watts of power.)

Similarly, two measures would cut aviation's contribution to the emissions problem by up to one percent. One would be to tow departing airliners out to the end of the runway, rather than have them start their engines up about half an hour early and get there under their own power. The other would be to create continent-wide air traffic control systems with a single fee structure, thus ending the nonsense of flying around the more expensive countries (there are thirty separate national air traffic control systems in Europe) to save on fees, at a cost of 6-12 percent higher emissions.

We have to do the hard stuff, too, like figuring out how big developing countries like China and India can continue to raise their living standards while the world as a whole cuts its emissions, but even with the best will in the world that is going to take time. We need to get started on the easy stuff right now.

So here's to Fidel Castro (who started switching Cuba to compact fluorescent bulbs two years ago) and to Hugo Chavez (now doing the same in Venezuela) and to their comrade-in-arms John Howard in Australia. And lawmakers in California and New Jersey are also proposing a ban on incandescent bulbs. Virtue flourishes in the most unexpected places.

16/03/07, Economist: The UN and Darfur, Watching, but still waiting

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Darfur continues to bleed while outsiders look on.

AT A summit in 2005, all the member countries of the United Nations agreed on a principle of a “responsibility to protect” civilians from atrocities. The fine idea suggested that if a state would not protect its own, outsiders must step in, with force if necessary. That same UN summit created a new Human Rights Council which would replace a discredited predecessor, and name and shame abusers of human rights. In May 2006, Sudanese leaders signed a peace deal with some rebels in Darfur, to halt the violence, and later in the year the UN agreed with Sudan to send peacekeepers to monitor the deal.

These facts could give the impression that the world in general, or the UN in particular, has grown serious about putting an end to murder and repression in Darfur, in western Sudan. Yet almost nothing has changed there, except for the worse. International aid agencies reckon that the humanitarian situation has deteriorated markedly since last year’s partial peace deal. (Only one big Darfuri faction has signed on, and may now be helping the Sudanese government carry out its crimes.) The Sudanese government continues to refuse the actual deployment of the UN force. Rape and murder remain commonplace, along with the slow starvation of many more victims.

This week, the newish Human Rights Council finally received a strongly worded report on Darfur, documenting abuses recounted by refugees (the mission was denied entry to Sudan). Yet the council’s 47-country members are expected to reject the report, largely with the help of votes of the Arab and Muslim states. This will leave the council—after its fourth full session, in a year of operation—having condemned the human-rights record of just one state: Israel. Ban Ki-moon, the UN’s secretary-general, has suggested that “the world is watching” to see if it will live up to its commitments. If there is no resolution on Darfur by the close of session on March 30th, it would be right to conclude that the new body is an utter sham.

A vastly more important bit of the UN, the Security Council, could do more than just condemn Sudan; it has the power to authorise sanctions, even, ultimately, the use of military force. Alas, China continues to resist any resolution that would apply real pressure, so the August 2006 resolution, authorising a mixed UN/African Union (AU) force for Darfur, is blithely ignored in Khartoum. China is not only prickly about sovereignty, it also imports a lot of oil from Sudan. Mr Ban described “growing frustration” among Security Council members, but frustration plus a Chinese veto equals no action.

Darfur-watchers are calling on states to act in smaller groupings if the UN cannot. The International Crisis Group (ICG), an NGO, has said that the United States, AU, European Union and other should take measures to squeeze the murderous janjaweed militias and their guardians and enablers in Khartoum. These would include an asset freeze and travel ban on leaders of Sudan’s ruling party, the National Congress Party, and sanctions on Sudan’s oil exports.

Khartoum has become something of a boom-town of late, thanks to high oil prices. In other words, such a squeeze might actually cause pain. But would it save lives? It is not clear that the truculent regime of Omar al-Bashir will be persuaded easily by targeted sanctions from rich countries of Europe and America, which they would surely dismiss as imperialist meddling. As for the neighbourhood, African countries remain divided between a desire to take responsibility to stop bloodshed and the desire to protect sovereign rulers from outside pressure.

Queen of the North Report

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26/03/07, Patrick Brethour, B.C. ferry sailed straight to its doom, report says, (Source).
27/03/07, Sid Tafler, Union official discusses music policy on ferries, (Source).
27/03/07, Gary Mason, The elusive truth about the Queen of the North, (Source).


26/03/07, Patrick Brethour, B.C. ferry sailed straight to its doom, report says, (Back).

VANCOUVER — The Queen of the North steamed at full speed into the rocky shore of Gil Island — without any alteration in course – on the night it sank, as the crew on the deck failed to maintain a proper lookout, says the BC Ferries report into the disaster believed to have claimed the lives of two passengers.

And, music was “clearly audible” during two routine radio telephone conversations between the ship's crew and the Marine Communications and Traffic Services Centre in Prince Rupert, the report says, pointing to that fact as evidence of “casual watchstanding behaviour.”

The report rules out any propulsion, mechanical or control defect on the Queen of the North in the hours before it sank in the early morning of March 22.

Although the report does not specifically assign blame to human error, it does catalogue several instances of mistakes by the crew, including:

• a failure by the bridge crew to follow procedures posted by the senior master for operating steering controls.

• a failure to make the necessary alteration in course to navigate around Gil Island

• a loss of “situation awareness” and failing to appreciate the vessels “impending peril” before it struck the island's shore

• neglecting to maintain “proper lookout” for preventing collisions

• a practice of “casual watchstanding behaviour” that existed the night of the collision, and on other trips of the Queen of the North


27/03/07, Sid Tafler, Union official discusses music policy on ferries, (Back).

Workers on watch navigating BC Ferries sometimes play "light music" as background, but they keep the volume down to avoid conflict with navigational radio signals, says a union official familiar with bridge procedures.

"There are times on long runs when light music can be a help," said a B.C. Ferry and Marine Workers' Union official, who asked to remain anonymous.

"But we always have to have the company radio and the coast guard radio on a lot louder.

"When our primary job is to navigate, that's what we're doing."

A report released yesterday on the sinking of the B.C. Ferries ship the Queen of the North said that music was blasting on the bridge the night of the disaster.

The official said the music policy is the decision of the captain on the ship. "Some of them don't want music on at all."

But on some longer runs, workers find music helps pass the time and prevents boredom and distraction.

At the Nanaimo ferry terminal at Departure Bay, where employees were dispersing after the departure of the 12:30 p.m. ferry to Horseshoe Bay, one worker had this reaction to the internal investigation report on the sinking of the Queen of the North:

"Ninety per cent of accidents are caused by human error. The other 10 per cent, who knows?"

"Obviously, someone wasn't paying attention," said another worker. "You can only depend on instruments so much."

In Victoria, the executive of the ferry workers' union declined official comment on the BC Ferries report.


27/03/07, Gary Mason, The elusive truth about the Queen of the North, (Back).

VANCOUVER — With the report into the sinking of the Queen of the North now public, only one thing remains a mystery: What really happened?

British Columbia Ferry Service Inc.'s investigation into the sinking confirmed what had been suspected all along: Human error was responsible for the boat crashing into Gil Island 22 minutes past midnight on March 22 of last year.

Despite loud and often angry denials by the B.C. Ferry and Marine Workers' Union that any of their members might have been culpable in the worst marine tragedy in B.C. Ferries' history, the fact that they were was evident almost from the beginning.

There was nothing wrong with the vessel. There was nothing wrong with its navigational equipment. No, when the ferry emerged from Grenville Channel into Wright Sound, it should have veered left. It didn't. Instead, it continued full speed into the rocky shoreline of Gil Island.

There were three people primarily responsible for the vessel's safe passage at the time: Second Officer Keven Hilton (who was in a lunchroom when the boat crashed), Fourth Officer Karl Lilgert and Quartermaster Karen Bricker.

Mr. Hilton and Mr. Lilgert, on the advice of union lawyers, refused to answer any of the company's questions about the critical 14-minute period unless their testimony was "privileged." This would have prevented someone from using their words against them in any future legal action. The company refused.

The two were suspended without pay, and last week an arbitrator characterized their decision not to co-operate with the company's divisional inquiry as an act of gross insubordination. Ms. Bricker did answer questions, but it was clear from yesterday's report that investigators didn't believe important parts of her testimony.

For instance, Ms. Bricker told investigators that just before the boat smashed into the island, Mr. Lilgert yelled at her to switch off the auto pilot. She said she didn't know where the switch was located.

Company investigators found this difficult to believe, saying this is a procedure she would have previously done many times.

She testified that one or possibly two course alterations were made minutes prior to the crash. That was at odds with evidence taken from the vessel's electronic data recorder, which was later recovered from the wreckage.

Ms. Bricker said that she heard Mr. Lilgert saying to Mr. Hilton after the crash: "I'm sorry. I was trying to go around a fishing boat."

This might be possible, but there was no fishing boat in the area at the time, the report says.

In the absence of any hard information, the goings-on on the bridge in the minutes prior to the accident have been the source of enormous speculation since the crash. Previously, the union has denied the rumour that Mr. Lilgert and Ms. Bricker, who were variously reported to be dating at the time or had dated in the past, were having sex when they should have been steering the boat.

Another rumour making the rounds was that the two had a loud argument and Mr. Lilgert took off, leaving Ms. Bricker, who was essentially a trainee, in charge.

No one knows if this is true or not.

It should be noted that Mr. Lilgert and Mr. Hilton were granted privilege when talking to Transportation Safety Board and insurance company investigators about the crucial 14 minutes. But, according to company sources, their statements did not illuminate or explain why vital course corrections weren't made when they should have been.

In other words, they are still saying nothing.

So where does that leave us?

The RCMP is still conducting its own investigation into whether there are grounds for charges of criminal negligence. Maybe the RCMP can compel the three people in charge that night to truthfully explain what happened. A lawsuit has been filed against the company by a group of passengers who were on board the vessel, but it's doubtful that will go anywhere.

The family of the two passengers presumed dead will likely get some sort of monetary settlement from the company that will preclude the matter from going to court.

It's unlikely, then, that the three people who know what happened will have to place their hand on a Bible and swear to tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. They'll have to live with themselves for deciding not to tell the public what they know.

The company, however, doesn't have to live with them, nor should they. My guess is the conclusion of the Queen of the North tragedy will be the permanent sinking of three careers. And the sooner that happens the better.


(Back)

27/03/07, Steve Bloomfield: Darfur aid relief 'close to collapse', UN chief warns

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Aid relief for Darfur's displaced millions is on the brink of collapse, the UN's new humanitarian chief has warned. Sir John Holmes, on a trip to Sudan's troubled Darfur region, told The Independent that attacks on aid workers had reached new levels.

He warned that one more major security incident could lead to aid agencies pulling out. "Then we will have a catastrophe on our hands," he said.

Sir John, who took over from Jan Egeland as the UN emergency relief co-ordinator at the beginning of the month, said morale among humanitarian workers in Darfur was "very low".

Sudan is increasingly reluctant to issue visas for international aid workers, while those in Darfur are increasingly subjected to attacks from the government-backed Janjaweed militia and rebel groups alike.

"Their vehicles are being hijacked at gun-point, they have been subjected to beatings and even sexual assaults," Sir John said. "There are a lot of men with guns around who can create security problems at any moment."

Six people working for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) were abducted earlier this month after their Land Cruiser and truck were hijacked. The six, who had been visiting a village to assess the water supply, were released unharmed the next day but had to walk through the desert for five hours until they found refuge in a village.

Oxfam and Action Against Hunger aid workers in El Geneina, near the western border with Chad, were attacked in December by militiamen belonging to the faction of the SLA rebel group which signed last year's peace deal. Several were badly beaten, some of the women were raped, and others were subjected to mock executions. About 150,000 people in El Geneina are now without humanitarian assistance after the aid agencies were forced to leave.

Bureaucratic obstacles have also disrupted the delivery of aid. Sir John was barred from visiting a camp on Saturday, although the Sudanese authorities claimed it was a misunderstanding and allowed him to visit another on Sunday. "It illustrated precisely the problem we are facing. If that can happen to me on a fairly high-profile visit they knew all about, you can imagine what it's like for ordinary humanitarian workers," he said.

Sir John, who was the UK's ambassador to France until his UN appointment, is also due to travel to neighbouring Chad and the Central African Republic, countries which are increasingly affected by instability in Darfur.

William Langewiesche: Letter from São Paulo, City of Fear

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[article from Vanity Fair April 2007 issue, not available on-line]

Operating by cell phone, a highly organized prison gang launched an attack that shut down Brazil's largest city last May, with the authorities powerless to stop it. For many in São Paulo, this vast, amorphous criminal network is the only government they have.

For seven days last May the city of São Paulo, Brazil teetered on the edge of a feral zone where governments barely reach and countries lose their meaning. That zone is a wilderness inhabited already by large populations worldwide, but officially denied…. and rarely described. It is not a throwback to the Dark Ages, but an evolution toward something new--a companion to globalization, and an element in a fundamental reordering that may gradually render national boundaries obsolete. It is most obvious in the narco-lands of Colombia and Mexico, in the fractured swaths of Africa, in parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan, in much of Iraq. But it also exists beneath the surface in places where governments are believed to govern and countries still seem to be strong.

Certainly Brazil qualifies. And São Paulo is not some flimsy town. Though it suffers from violent crime and shoddy streets, it is the largest metropolis in South America, home to 20 million people, a global business and banking center, and the capital of Brazil's wealthiest and most powerful state. From its center of luxurious condominiums and office towers, it spreads across 3,000 square miles, sprouting tall apartment buildings for as far as the eye can see. It has a problem with shantytowns and slums, the favelas which ring the city with illegal constructions and millions upon millions of the ultra-poor. But most of the favelas lie on the periphery, so far beyond view that for the upper and middle classes they can almost be ignored. And look on the bright side: back toward the center, São Paulo has a great university, beautiful garden restaurants, and Japanese food that puts New York's to shame.

But then, suddenly, on the afternoon of Friday, May 12, 2006, São Paulo came under a violent and coordinated attack. The attackers moved on foot, and by car and motorbike. They were not rioters, revolutionaries, or the graduates of terrorist camps. They were anonymous young men and women, dressed in ordinary clothes, unidentifiable in advance, and indistinguishable afterward. Wielding pistols, automatic rifles, and firebombs, they emerged from within the city, struck fast, and vanished on the spot. Their acts were criminal, but the attackers did not loot, rob, or steal. They burned buses, banks, and public buildings, and went hard after the forces of order--gunning down the police in their neighborhood posts, in their homes, and on the streets. The police shot back and killed some people, but the others did not stop. They were like ghosts. On an animated plot of São Paulo their presence would have seemed like pinpoint flashes of light sparkling at random far and wide. The sparkling was slow, leaders were angry about a certain transfer of prisoners that had just taken place, but this was not something the government could survive undoing, and in any case the P.C.C. had made no such demand. Indeed, it was making no demands at all. The gang's top man was being held in solitary confinement at a maximum-security prison 350 miles west of the city. He was a career criminal named Marcos Camacho, or Marcola, who was said to be intelligent and a careful student of Sun Tzu's classic text, The Art of War. Now 39, he had spent half of his life in prison and was serving a long sentence for armed robbery and kidnapping. On Sunday, May 14, with the attacks ongoing, a police airplane flew four envoys from São Paulo to see him and negotiate a peace. Typically, Marcola denied any knowledge of the attacks and refused to get involved. He would not even use a proffered cell phone to quash a rumor of his demise, though he finally did allow another prisoner to make the call. After several hours the envoys flew home. The day after the attacks suddenly stopped, word spread through São Paulo that the state had agreed to provide the P.C.C. with 60 flat--but word spread quickly, and traffic snarled as citizens tried to rush home. After they settled behind locked doors, they did not dare to venture out. Restaurants and shops were closed. The boulevards lay lit and abandoned. On television came news that the attacks were the work of a prison gang, half forgotten but widely known, called Primeiro Comando da Capital, or P.C.C., the First Command of the Capital. Across the state 73 prisons rose in synchronous rebellion. This caused less concern than one might expect, in part because prison riots are common in Brazil, and are routinely if sometimes brutally contained. But the attacks against the city were something else, and the government had no idea how to respond.

State authorities claimed that the situation was under control, but television showed that it was not. In fact, the authorities were barricaded inside their headquarters watching the same broadcast scenes. Some of the replays were set to music. The attacks continued in irregular waves, without discernible patterns. Through Friday night and across the weekend the police reeled backward, abandoning their posts, only to be ambushed in the open. The police in São Paulo are despised for corruption and brutality, but they do loosely stand for law and order, and it was shocking to see them in retreat. Over the first two days more than 40 police officers and prison guards were killed, and also one of the firemen responding to the flames. For every agent killed, several others were wounded. Passersby died, caught in the crossfire. The national government offered to send in the army, but for political reasons the state refused. It was Sunday now, and Mother's Day. I later heard the recording of a cell-phone call in which a woman who had just torched a bus complained that a service station had sold her adulterated gasoline that did not burn hot enough. Who can you trust? The city huddled through the third night. On Monday morning, after a period of calm, people summoned the courage to return to work, in the hope that the trouble was over. But at midday the attacks resumed, and people again fled for their homes, creating one of the greatest traffic jams in São Paulo's great traffic-jam history.

Then, as abruptly as they had started, on Monday night the attacks suddenly stopped. It was widely assumed that the state had caved in and made concessions. And in fact the state had tried. Halfway through the weekend, having realized that they lacked the ability to restore order, the authorities bitterly concluded that they would have to negotiate--but with whom and about what? The P.C.C. is an immense and secretive network of semi-autonomous cells, and is shapeless by design. It includes 90 percent of São Paulo's 140,000 inmates, and at least as many people in the slums. The authorities knew that its screen televisions for enhanced viewing of the upcoming World Cup soccer matches. A prison official later told me that the televisions in question already belonged to the P.C.C, that they were part of a hijacked load, and that the P.C.C. had wanted--and now received--the right to bring them in as a jailhouse boast. And okay, in Brazil soccer really does matter. But no such petty purpose can explain an assault on an entire city, nor can superficial political theories, of which there are several. Clearly, something much larger was going on. What is certain is that the assault was a demonstration of strength, an act of self-affirmation, and a measured blow against the rule of law. Some of the attacks were so brazen as to be nearly suicidal. The point being made was not that they could be carried out, but that they could be sustained. The lack of serious demands added a vicious twist. It denied the government the power even to concede, and allowed the P.C.C. to script the drama from beginning to end. Moreover, because the P.C.C. leaders were already in prison, they had little to fear of punishment. They could taunt the state from within the very walls it had built to contain them. Ah, the art of war.

A lawyer I spoke to called the asymmetry outrageously unfair. She said, "They can send people to kill the police, but the police can't do the same to them, because they are under state protection!" The police in particular felt the frustration. Able to identify only the occasional culprit, and ordered by their superiors nonetheless to get tough, they struck back with masked death squads and uniformed agents against the residents of the slums. Brazilian law officially precludes capital punishment. But by the end of the week, when the actions ceased, the police had killed at least 450 people, many with execution-style shots to the head. The state disputed the numbers and came up with 100 or so dead, most of them killed while resisting arrest. In a traumatized city where many people had condoned the police actions, only the most credulous could believe such unbelievable claims. The state was making a show of its fictions. It is a fact of history that the pretense of governing endures even as government disappears.

Big Jelly and Little Cesar
Brazil. The World Cup. The P.C.C. was a soccer team at the start. It was founded in a São Paulo state prison in the summer of 1993 by eight players, seven of whom have since died. The prison sits in the city of Taubate, off the road to Rio de Janeiro. At the time it was a punishment unit, where troublemakers went for stints of solitary confinement before being returned to larger prisons elsewhere in the state. Conditions there were atrocious. The prisoners lived locked alone into 160 dark and putrid cells, surviving on filthy slops, defecating into holes they could not flush, and subject to beatings by the guards. They were released into the yards only every few days, and in groups of merely five. Some committed suicide. Most, however, were tough, and managed not only to remain vital but also to communicate fully from cell to cell. In 1993, when they lobbied the warden for a soccer tournament, he decided to let them form teams. It is unclear how exactly they proceeded, given that they remained locked in their cells and could not assemble to practice. Through the jailhouse telegraph they gave their teams names in anticipation of battle. Several included the word "Command" for the swagger, but the P.C.C. outdid all the others by calling itself "First," and staking claim to the "Capital." In light of subsequent events, the name may sound like a warning. The warden himself was eventually murdered by the monster he had created. But the Primeiro Comando da Capital was born wanting just to play soccer.

The games were held in an enclosed yard, without spectators or guards. The P.C.C. won a few matches, became its cellblock champion, and prepared to play a rival team from another part of the prison. During the run-up to the game, the competition got out of hand when the boasts turned to taunts, and the taunts became threats. Each team vowed to drink the other team's blood. The captain of the P.C.C. was a killer from the lowest of São Paulo's slums, a physically powerful man named Geleião (Big Jelly), who had grown up in the gutter, and was now 35. His sidekick was a natural-born fighter named Cessna (Little Cesar), five years younger, who had a reputation for bravery and was to serve as the P.C.C.'s chief executioner over the decade to come. Cessna had been raised in a middle-class family, but even as a child had idealized crime, and at the age of 12 had killed for the first time.

On the day of the match, August 31, 1993, the two teams moved together down a hallway toward the prison yard. The details remain obscure, but it seems that the guards were nowhere to be seen, and that the last P.C.C. player closed a barred door behind them to ensure privacy. Just before they got to the yard, Geleião made the first move. He grabbed an opposing player, and with a single ferocious twist killed the man by snapping his neck. Cessna and the others sprang forward, and with bare hands and shivs took another four lives. There is no evidence that they enjoyed the killing. They inhabited a violent world and had responded necessarily to insults they believed it would have been dangerous to leave unanswered. In doing so they had also condemned themselves to lives of unending vigilance and strength, since every one of the dead men had family or friends who might try to take revenge. Afterward, they swore a public vow of mutual defense. Through the telegraph they declared, "We are united forever now. Whatever happens to one happens to all. We will never betray each other. We are brothers for life. That simple vow proved impossible to follow, but it established a principle from which all else evolved, and among the prisoners of São Paulo it resonated loudly.

The Mark of the P.C.C.
The prisons of São Paulo were falling apart under the loads they had to bear. The most notorious of them was a decrepit facility named Carandiru, which dated from 1956 and was the largest in Brazil. It stood inside the São Paulo city limits in an industrial neighborhood on the north side of town, surrounded by high gray walls and accessed through a single heavy gate. It contained nine cell-blocks, each five stories tall, and by the early 1990s held more than 7,000 inmates, nearly twice the intended capacity. On October 2, 1992--11 months before the P.C.C.'s bloody birth in Taubaté--it was the scene of a massacre by the police, who while suppressing a rebellion in its Cellblock Nine had killed 111 prisoners, and wounded 130 others. To carry this out the police had fired merely 515 rounds--a record of efficiency reflecting the fact that most of the shooting had been done at point-blank range on prisoners who had already surrendered and were cowering in their cells.

In the background was a crime rate in São Paulo that was among the highest in the world, and the fact that even as the city was remaking itself into a center of global business it was being transformed into an archipelago of innumerable little fortresses where a large population of the fortunate lived and worked in near-total isolation from the poor. The two transformations were related. It was not only that the poor were being abandoned by government but that the very need for government was being questioned by the elites. Armored cars, private guards, helicopters, and business jets. Walls and high-voltage fences. Cheap labor, filthy rivers, and private schools. Tax evasion. Yes, and the fullness of long-distance communication. Within the limits of comfort, global capital seemed to be seeking places where laws were almost a charade, and in São Paulo it was demonstrating that the connection that mattered was neither to the street nor to the state. For better or worse the pattern was driven by trends larger than Brazil. For better or worse national policies were helpless to stop it. No insight was required to understand that crime was a symptom of poverty and alienation. But these were problems that government programs could barely address, let alone solve, and so, predictably, in the 1990s, authorities in São Paulo started cracking down and getting tough on crime. Fading states are not without power. Arrests and convictions soared, and sentences grew longer. It was a popular policy in São Paulo, where people assumed that their streets would grow safer, as if crime were a finite problem, and violence was a predilection of some certain percentage of the population. Recently I met an anthropologist with a different view, who told me that after a talk she gave in São Paulo she encountered a businessman who was very mad. He said, "Don't talk to me about projects in the slums. What we need now is an even harder line." The previous week in his new armored car he had been robbed and shot in the arm when he had pushed the wrong button and rolled down a window instead of sounding an alarm. Oh, and she knew of another driver who had kept his windows closed in a similar circumstance, but while yanking out a pistol just to be safe had shot himself in the leg. Was this the fate of São Paulo? All that is certain about the get-tough campaign is that in the 1990s the state's prisons could not handle the surge, and that Carandiru, for one, was overwhelmed.

Carandiru had at most 100 guards for its inmate population of 7,000, a ratio approximately one-tenth that of San Quentin. Though the guards circulated throughout the prison, for the most part the prisoners were left alone to sort things out for themselves. To some degree they did. A medical doctor named Drauzio Varella, who for 13 years volunteered his services every Monday there, told me that Carandiru offered proof that people are not rats. Varella is a man of extraordinary talents, a renowned oncologist and writer, who published a memoir of Carandiru and in recent years has produced a series of popular television documentaries on subjects of health. We walked together through an impoverished area near the city's center, stopping every few minutes for strangers who approached to say hello or complain of their ailments. In the intervals we talked. Varella said, "Rats who are overcrowded become violent. There have been experiments in the United States to show it. But Carandiru showed that people in those same conditions will organize, and establish rules for their survival. The rules in Carandiru evolved as the prison grew more crowded. They were not written down, but were passed on as understandings. For instance, you had to wash. Every day. And during meal delivery you could not stay in the hallways. For hygiene. Inside the cells, when people were eating, you could not use the toilet. You could not spit. You could not cough. You could not pick your teeth."

And these were mere manners. More serious restrictions applied to the regular weekend visits by family and friends, when concerns greater than health were at play. Since 1984 the right to such visits has included the right to have sex. Space for these "intimate visits" is not officially provided, but is arranged nonetheless by the inmates. Varella was struck by the system in Carandiru. He said, "Some of the cellblocks had more than a thousand prisoners. Five, six guys per cell. Can you imagine women coming to such a place to have sex with their men? But it was the most respectful thing. The couples went up the stairs. While they climbed on one side, on the other side men came down to receive their own visitors. When a woman passed as she climbed, these prisoners averted their gazes--aggressively. Usually they looked at the walls. And then there was the scene upstairs. Men without visitors were not allowed to descend, but had to leave their cells and stand in the halls. As the couples walked along the halls, all these men looked at the ground. You could track the progress of the couples by watching the heads go down. And so the couple entered a cell. If there were two or three guys getting intimate visits, they made a timetable between them. Each couple was allowed one hour alone. And after one hour, they had to go out. I was so impressed that it was possible in Carandiru for these men to organize in such a way. But, you know, anarchy does not endure in human affairs. And there is no empty space for power in prison."

I said, "There is no empty space for power in the world."

He laughed. "Yes, in the world."

The first rule was the need to pay debts. The deal-making was pervasive. Prisoners decided between them who would sleep where. The best cells were considered owned, and were bought and sold and rented. The main business, however, was in drugs. The principal drug was cocaine, which people injected into their veins, or smoked in the form of crack. The price was twice that of the street. Varella said, "The law was very strict. If you didn't pay, you died. Because if I sold you crack and you didn't pay me back, if I did nothing, nobody else would pay me, either. And I had to pay my supplier, because he had to pay his own supplier. So I had to kill you. This usually happened on Mondays, because the sellers gave the weekends for families to bring money."

In each cellblock the acknowledged boss, according to Varella, was the chief of the inmate janitors, known as the Cleaner. Varella said, "If you wanted to kill me, you had to talk to him first. You had to go to the Cleaner and say, 'I have to kill Drauzio Varella.'

"'Okay, why?'

'"Because back in the neighborhood he raped my sister-in-law.'

"'Do you have any evidence?'

"I have a police report of the rape.'

"'So bring it to me.'"

Varella went on with his story. He said, "The Cleaners were the judges of the cellblocks. Very smart guys. Silent. They knew how to listen. Very calmly. They would talk economically. They were interesting types. Usually they were not physically strong. Sometimes they were very small guys. But strength had no role at Carandiru, because people had to sleep. And if you gather 20 guys, even Mike Tyson wouldn't stand a chance. So you would bring your evidence to the Cleaner, and he would read it and say, 'Okay, you can kill Varella. But I'll tell you which day.' Not just any day, because it might conflict with other plans, like a drug deal, another killing, or an attempted escape. The Cleaner would say, 'Okay, you can do it on Friday morning.' And then you really had to follow through. If you went back to the Cleaner and said, 'I thought a little bit more, and I decided after all that I don't need to do this,' then you were not a serious guy. You would have to leave the cellblock, ask the guards to transfer you, because the Cleaner would never again allow you to share the space with him."

Varella's affection for Carandiru was unabashed and clear: he had been seduced by the humanity residing there. He was also an embellisher, an artist with a poetic South American mind, who had experienced Carandiru subjectively and now remembered it through the constructs of his writing. This was obvious, and he pretended nothing else. His descriptions of the prison were matters of the heart as well as the mind. But he was not, as some people claim dismissively, an apologist for the men who were being held there, or for the society they had built. After all, he was a doctor too and squarely confronted the horrors. Man-on-man rapes. Thoughtless wars over turf. Unprovoked murders. Sadistic cruelties of the worst kind. Suicide. Many of the inmates lived in desperation or denial. Crack was an epidemic, and intravenous cocaine nearly as bad. Seventeen percent of the prisoners had H.I.V. or full-blown AIDS. Sixty percent of them had hepatitis C. Varella tested a group of 80 transvestites for H.I.V. and found that 78 percent were positive; among those who had been in prison six years or more, the rate was 100 percent. And they were doing this to themselves. Anarchy does not endure in human affairs, but Carandiru had rules that were clearly inadequate.

Varella saw the worst of it because one of his duties was to inspect the dead. He said, "That is a very disgusting experience, to see these guys stabbed and covered in blood. Full of holes from different-sized knives. And it was very common. Sometimes I'd have two or three or five bodies at a time. And then one day it got even worse. I think this was around 1995. A man was killed, and when I turned his body over, his head flopped to the side. He was nearly decapitated. It was clear that this had been done after his death. When people are killed, they fight and scream and try to escape. They all do. No one could have made such a full clean cut on someone struggling like that. And so I said, 'What savagery is it to do this to anyone?'

"A guard said, 'This is the P.C.C.'s mark.'

"And I said, 'What is the P.C.C.?'

"The guard said, 'It's a small group of guys who are very cruel and are trying to impose themselves by violence.'"

Cell-Phone Swarm
Geleião and Cessna had arrived from Taubate. Under their leadership at Carandiru the P.C.C. expanded into the narcotics trade. Though it was ruthless, it was also judicious and cool. It murdered spectacularly, but only in calculation of need. What it had that the competing factions lacked was discipline. The discipline was based on a moral code that enhanced the existing prison rules and included an insistence on better living conditions and prisoners' rights. The P.C.C. was a criminal gang but also a political force--albeit an absurdly self-righteous one. Prisoners were attracted to the group because it brought order to their lives and gave them purpose, protection, and power. There were obligations. P.C.C. followers lived by its laws under penalty of death. Those who formally joined became "Brothers" for life. They were initiated with a baptism involving water, and had to sign a 16-point manifesto that still serves as the P.C.C.'s constitution. The 16th point was a declaration of the group's intent. It stated, "No one can stop our struggle, because the seed of the Command has spread throughout the prison system of the state, and we are also succeeding in establishing ourselves on the outside…. We will revolutionize the country from inside the prisons, and our strong arm will be the Terror of the powerful." For the initiates, there was no possibility afterward of backing out. They had to pay monthly dues and share their windfall profits. They were given a voice in weekly meetings, but once a decision was made, they had to carry out orders.

The seed was spread as the prison administrators transferred the members around. Those transfers were routine and in no sense a recognition of the P.C.C.'s strength. Indeed, the administrators insisted on seeing the new brotherhood as just another jailhouse gang, and would have scoffed at any suggestion that it required special care. When questioned by the press, government officials denied the group's existence. The secretary of prisons refused to acknowledge it even internally, behind closed doors. After a fight with a rival gang in Carandiru toward the end of 1995, Gelei˜o and Cessna were shipped to prisons in other states--respectively, Paraná and Mato Grosso--with no warning to the authorities there. They were gone for a few years and took the opportunity to plant the group beyond São Paulo. After the two men incited some prison rebellions in those states, local officials irritably shipped them home. During their absence, and with their approval, control of the group in Carandiru had shifted to two senior members of the group, named Sombra and Blindado. They in turn were befriended by Marcola, who heads the P.C.C. today. Marcola was a childhood friend of Cessna's. He had been in Taubate; at the gang's formation, though as a player on another team, and had observed the P.C.C. from the outside for a while before joining. He was more business-minded than the others and was seen to be the smartest of the bunch; he soon assumed the position of the leadership's adviser. The subsequent twists are too intricate to follow. The P.C.C. was not as coherent as it pretended to be. It suffered from internal power struggles, and for a while took to extorting money from other prisoners--a serious violation of its own creed that might have doomed the group, had Gelei˜o not intervened. But the P.C.C. was remarkably self-corrective. It put Blindado and Sombra to death, and having made that point continued to grow.

Though the gang was funded by criminal ventures, including the narcotics trade, its motivation was never primarily greed. Even today the leaders show little sign of personal wealth, and though some must profit from their positions, they do not seem to use the group's resources as their own. Marcola supports a girlfriend in middle-class style but himself lives a life that is famously austere. Still, there were perks from early on. Amid the general squalor of the prisons, full members were provided with immaculate quarters in special P.C.C. sections, where the cells were freshly painted white, hung with art and illustrations, and well stocked with food and drink, magazines, books, and eventually TVs. The advantages of the group's discipline were felt elsewhere as well. Excluding the killings carried out by the P.C.C. itself, murders started declining if for no other reason than that rivals were being crushed. Rape was effectively outlawed. And pressure was being applied against the use of injected drugs and crack cocaine--both seen by the P.C.C. as corrosive to its power. H.I.V. rates began to drop. This happened even as the state continued to overcrowd the prisons, increasing the population by 800 inmates a month, and measurably aiding the P.C.C. in its rise to power.

Further aid was provided by globalization. Under pressure from international lenders, and burdened by state-owned industries it could no longer sustain, Brazil had opened itself to global capital and was pursuing a policy of economic liberalization. In 1997 it deregulated and privatized telecommunications. The result was an explosion of networks as multi-national companies rushed in to compete for the business. Until then cell-phone coverage in São Paulo had been spotty, but within two years the gaps had been filled, and prices had begun to come down. Particularly around the prisons, the usage was high, and the companies responded by building more capacity. According to one official I spoke to, the government was not aware of the pattern at the time, but, later, when it was and requested that the companies shut down their services within reception range of the prison walls, the companies resisted, as they resist today, in the name of the greater good provided by a truly free market. Be that as it may, the P.C.C. stood at the forefront of telecommunications. The phones it used were smuggled into the prisons, along with a flood of cards containing hijacked numbers. The system was sophisticated and was built by corrupted technicians. It relied on several dozen "centrals," which functioned as cell-phone forwarders through which conference calls could be made.

Starting around 1999, the conference calls were made twice a day. Typically they consisted of the most senior leadership connecting with the top men in each of the prisons--30 or 40 at a time--and because of the large numbers, the calls required discipline and practice. Each call began with a social round, reaffirming the P.C.C.'s integrity and goals. Good morning, Brother. How are you today? Now, tell us if you've run into problems, and what we can do to help. The first order of business pertained to the details of prison life--inedible food here, an abusive guard there, the rough treatment of visiting families everywhere. The second order of business pertained to business itself, to challenges or opportunities in the drug trade, to punishments that had to be meted out, and to budgets. On whatever subject, solutions were openly discussed (and opinions were sometimes polled) before the ranking member made a decision and moved the conversation on.

The P.C.C. was ignorant and cruel, but it was also proving itself to be extraordinarily adept. At a point when greed and overextension might have caused a more rigid organization to break apart, the P.C.C. gained the strength to take on the state. The cell phones lay at the heart of that process. They allowed the P.C.C. to transcend the pettiness of location, to rise even above prison walls, and to operate without restraint in an ethereal world of communication. The group began to reshape itself, away from its original pyramid design, and toward a structure of semi-autonomous cells which was so fluid and complex that it could not be pinned down. A young prosecutor near Taubate showed me a map of the connections that his office had made. It was based on intercepted calls and was plotted with the same investigative-analysis software used by the U.S. military in Iraq. I mentioned to the prosecutor that his map looked like those purporting to chart the insurgency in Anbar Province--a web of lines so chaotic that no useful pattern results. The prosecutor nodded glumly and said, "What in God's name is happening in Iraq?"

I held up my hands in surrender. "This P.C.C. structure, do you think it was intended?"

"No, look at it--how could this be planned? It was built of nothing but relations that multiplied."

It was built of conversation. It was financed by crime. It was too loose to be steered tightly, but it had the innate ability to swarm. It offered proof that people are not rats, because they organize in ways that change with the times. By 2001 even the government had to recognize the P.C.C.'s power. The recognition went public on the morning of February 18, when Carandiru and 28 other prisons rose in simultaneous revolt--an action of unexpected scale, now known as the "Mega-Rebellion," whose immediate cause was the transfer of 10 P.C.C. leaders to Taubate. All for 10 and 10 for all. More profoundly, the time had come for the P.C.C. to demonstrate its strength For reference, the 9/11 attacks on the United States lay seven months ahead. Because 2/18 was a Sunday, the prisons were filled with visiting families and friends. Prison tradition precluded trouble on visitors' days, but the P.C.C. saw the advantage to be gained, and it took 7,000 people hostage behind the barricades. To the state the message was Fuck you and checkmate. Some of the hostages felt betrayed, but most accepted the logic of the game: their presence could keep the police at bay and would prevent the massacre of their beloved men. The P.C.C. had an elegant touch. When given the chance to leave, most hostages chose to stay. The rebellious prisons were hardly calm: 16 prisoners were murdered by fellow inmates who took this opportunity to settle accounts. But the state was indeed thrown into doubt, and it reacted with uncommon caution. When the police were sent in they killed only four men, and probably in genuine self-defense. They moved so slowly that after two days it was the P.C.C. and not the state that restored order in most of the prisons.

Afterward, the authorities took credit for themselves and publicly proclaimed that they would not tolerate this gang. But within the privacy of the prisons they had to cede ground. The P.C.C. did not expect the state to disappear; it accepted that the government controlled the police, the courts, and the prison perimeters, and it required that the government provide health care, food, and blankets. But beyond such basics, it pushed to create prisons where the state could barely function. The authorities pushed back, as authorities do. Carandiru was a symbol for much that had gone wrong, and in September 2002 it was emptied and slated for demolition. It was replaced with new, smaller prisons, in the hope that smaller populations could be controlled more easily. The prison administration transferred some leaders and swept the cellblocks, confiscating weapons and cell phones. None of this mattered. The P.C.C. continued to grow. And so, after a while, with an election coming, officials simply declared that victory had been won. Your taxes at work. Mission Accomplished. Thanks to good government, the citizens of São Paulo could again sleep soundly.

Carandiru Rules
But many citizens already did sleep soundly--and all the more so because they had invested in private guards and fortifications, using some of the money they saved by evading taxes. Out in the city's favelas, the state's claims provoked laughter. The favelas are among the wildest slums in the world--places where the police are vigorously despised, and where it is good government, and not the P.C.C, that seems to have been dismantled. In 1998, there were no murders in the wealthy Jardins neighborhood, while in the shantytown of Jar dim Ângela, there were nearly 200. The P.C.C.'s growth in the favelas was typically unplanned. It proceeded spottily as drug purchases were made to supply the prison market, members came home after serving their time, P.C.C. families sought assistance and protection, and independent criminals saw advantages that the affiliation might provide. Residents had never encountered such a group before. These Brothers who did not mess around, these sons who had become such serious men. Initially the P.C.C. treated its favela crews as subsidiaries whose function was to support its prison agenda, but later, as it reshaped itself around cell-phone communications, the distinction dissolved, and the leaders discovered that they could direct an outside empire from inside the prisons' walls. Marcola in particular had the imagination and strength to do it. He led a coup in 2002, put a bounty on the heads of Geleião and Cessna, and, having assumed the top position, aggressively expanded the P.C.C. not only to the 90 percent point in the inmate population but also to a position of such strength that it could dominate millions in the city's unruly slums.

Elsewhere in São Paulo the domination is still poorly understood. After the attacks last May, newspapers worldwide reflected the confusion when they reported that the mysterious attackers were inmates who had been released on leave for the Mother's Day weekend. They were not. They were city residents, low-level P.C.C. operatives, some with debts to repay. Following the destruction of New York's World Trade Center, the P.C.C. started calling such people "bin Ladens." In May they were indeed terrorists for a few days, but so politically hollow that even social reformers in middle-class São Paulo insist that the rhetoric of the P.C.C. is a sham. The unanimity of opinion is striking. Apparently there are a few old-fashioned Marxists who proclaim that the P.C.C. is the vanguard--at last!--of the long-awaited revolution. But outside the favelas I myself have not met a single person in São Paulo who doesn't dismiss the P.C.C. as merely criminal.

Across the city's divide and inside the favelas, opinions are more ambivalent. People do not deny that the P.C.C. is a ruthless criminal enterprise occupied primarily with the narcotics trade. But they acknowledge its positive effects as well, not only in the prisons and for prisoners' families, but in the communities at large, where the gang, however selfishly, has provided for a crude new order one step up from the chaos that preceded its arrival. People understand the context too. Over beers in a favela I met a community leader and former armed robber who went by the name Marcos and was certainly no apologist for the P.C.C, but who tried to give me the view from the slums. He said, "We have all this information now--the TV, the Internet--so we've become more aware of what's happening in the world, and in this city. Whether it's soap opera or not, we see how the rich live. We also see how the TV lies. It shows a Brazil in which everything is perfect--the houses, the neighborhoods, the families. The poor look happy, like the Carnaval. But the reality in most of São Paulo is murder, violence, and drugs."

I said, "It seems like there are two realities here, Marcos. Because the rich can hide from you, and as far as I can tell, in São Paulo they hide pretty well."

He reminded me of the May attacks. "All their walls and armored cars won't solve the problem for them. They should start paying attention to the entire city. If they dropped the walls, they'd have to."

"But Brazil is moving in the opposite direction."

"Yeah, it is. And the candidate for governor says, If I get elected I'm going to build five new prisons and add 30,000 people. Well, if he's got the money to do that, why doesn't he put it into the schools, or into programs that help the people--into avoiding having 30,000 new prisoners?"

I answered, "Because it would be more expensive. Because it would require more time. Because the taxpayers don't pay taxes. Because they wouldn't support the programs if they did. Because the programs might help a little, but wouldn't help enough. Because it would be hard to measure results. Because the government is not trusted. Because Brazil has to pay back its international loans."

He said, "Okay, so the P.C.C. has come along."

I asked him for details. He said, "First, it looks after the prisoners' families by making sure they have enough to eat, and running a weekend bus service to the prisons for free. But it also helps ordinary people who have nothing to do with crime. If they go to the P.C.C. and mention their needs, usually they will be provided with the basic things, like food baskets, or medications, or maybe some material for patching their roofs. A lot of the older people are afraid of the P.C.C. and stay away. But the young ones will turn to anyone who can help."

I said, "I spoke to a prosecutor yesterday who denies absolutely that this happens. He says that the P.C.C. only looks after itself."

"The guy you spoke to yesterday, he's part of the government. He'll never admit that the P.C.C. is playing a role. But we live here, and we know." Others sitting with us chimed in to agree. Marcos said, "But the most important thing that the P.C.C. provides is not charity but rules. Like if you're someplace where there's about to be a fight with guns, and suddenly the P.C.C. arrives, people immediately calm down. Anyone who violates the rules they impose is going to have to answer for it."

"What are these rules?"

"Basic rules that we all agree with. For instance, not to look at another man's wife, not to rape, not to steal from the poor, not to steal from the little businesses here, not to inform on people, not to get in an argument and just take out your gun and kill someone. The rules aren't written down, but we all know what they are. What's wrong and what's right. Even the top drug dealers don't dare be arrogant the way they were. They have to be humble, because even if they're not P.C.C, they have to answer to the P.C.C. That goes for all of us now. You can't kill someone just because he did something you don't like. You have to go to the P.C.C. and explain why he has to die, and they will talk to the guy and decide on the punishment."

I said, "Carandiru rules."

Marcos had been a prisoner there. He said, "Like that. And the murder rate has dropped way off. A few years ago we had lots of killings here, and now things are much safer. The government goes around claiming credit because of its security policies, and programs like bringing in water and closing the bars earlier at night, but the truth is that the killings have slowed because the P.C.C. has arrived. See, murder was mostly a favela crime. Look at the rest of São Paulo, where the P.C.C. doesn't have much interest, in the better parts of town. There they have lots of police, but kidnapping, robbery, and theft keep going up--understand?"

He called the P.C.C. a "parallel government," but "proto-government" might be a better term, since the P.C.C.'s rule is exceedingly crude. Either way, the credit given to it for improvements seems nearly universal in the favelas. In another such neighborhood I met a young woman who for years had "walked" with the P.C.C. without becoming a full member, and whose name I cannot use, because she had turned against the group and was trying at some risk to disengage. Even she, who was otherwise skeptical, appreciated the gang's effect on civic order. She said, "There used to be a dealer here who tried to dominate the area, and would not share the business at all. When the Brothers came, they threw him out. Actually, they caught him and were going to kill him, but he escaped and ran away. But they don't use violence cheaply. Every Wednesday they get together and talk about all the events of the week, and they really try to find ways to avoid having to kill people for what they've done wrong. And things are much better now in the favela. It used to be that you didn't dare go out on the streets late at night. You couldn't enjoy yourself. You couldn't go dancing. You had to stay home and stay inside. It used to be there was a lot of gunfire. Exchanges of gunfire. That doesn't happen so much anymore."

She was sitting on her bed in her little dark hole of a window-less two-room cinder-block home. She laughed when I asked her if the police at the district station could offer any protection. Only if you have money, she said, then just maybe they will protect you. But no, if you go to the station or contact them in any way, they will make you wait for hours, make your life hard, treat you like a criminal. They care only about extorting money from drug dealers on the streets. So, no, not the police, not me, not ever. She had a friend who was pregnant and who phoned them after her husband beat her, and they said, Are you sure you really want to file a complaint, because if you do you'll be waiting for hours just to fill out the report, and then it'll be days before we'll get around to calling your husband in.

I said, "Why didn't she go to the P.C.C.?"

"If she had gone to the Brothers they would have been quick. But then her husband would have been in real trouble. They would either have expelled him from the neighborhood or warned him and given him another chance. But that would have been the last chance." She laughed again. "And she was in love."

Several nights later on the far side of the city I met with the leader of a P.C.C. cell, a "pilot" in the parlance of the gang, in reference to the responsibilities of command. He controlled five municipalities, where perhaps a half-million people live. The encounter was difficult to arrange. It took place in a slum where police death squads had been active in May, in a small house crammed with beds and used as a crash pad for P.C.C. soldiers. The neighbors had been warned to stay off the streets, and for several blocks P.C.C. sentries had been posted; they stood against walls and in the darkness of doorways, with no weapons in sight. My intermediary seemed nervous, but then he got stoned. We waited inside the house by a window without glass that overlooked a favela valley. The night was hot. P.C.C. soldiers milled about, drinking beer that we had brought. Some sat in chairs. They were mostly silent. One mentioned that he had just escaped from prison by buying the paperwork to order his release.

When the pilot walked in, everyone stood up. He was a tall, heavyset man in his late 20s, and completely unsmiling. Despite the heat, he wore a sweater and a heavy wool cap. He sat and we talked, but the conversation was sparse. He made claims about the P.C.C. that were transparently false. He said, "The Command has a vision of progress not only inside the prisons but outside in society. Not everyone who joins is a criminal. We also have good lawyers, and lots of upper-class people and intellectuals."

"Why would upper-class people get so involved?"

"Because they have revolutionary minds."

"So the Command is a revolutionary movement?"

"Yes."

"Okay, so jump ahead and tell me what you are fighting toward. Let's say you win your revolution and take power. What kind of Brazil do you want to build then?"

A smile flickered across his lips. He said, "We do not think about winning. We rebel against the government more to give a response now than with a vision of the future in mind."

That part at least seemed honest. But then he said, "In all the attacks against the police last May, we didn't kill a single innocent man. Everyone who was killed deserved to die for what he had done. The action was carefully planned."

"And perfectly executed."

"We respect the police who do their job correctly. We can accept it if they come to us after we have committed a crime. But the police who come and just humiliate the people, mistreat them, beat them up--those police will be stopped."

"What about the police who came in here afterward and killed so many innocent people? Since the P.C.C. provoked those killings, wasn't it your duty to fight back at that time? To defend the people?"

"The fault is with the media. Since it shows the Command in such a negative light, we have to stay quiet and hidden. And that's why it's difficult for us to protect society."

And so it went for an hour or more. From his position of authority, the pilot expected his words to be accepted at face value. He was a politician practicing spin. He was proto-presidential. Certain topics remained off limits to me. When I followed general questions about P.C.C. dues--its primitive form of taxation--by asking where the money ends up, my intermediary fluttered in his marijuana haze and apologized on my behalf. The pilot said, "It's a sensitive subject." He let the moment pass. When he frowned he was the picture of magisterial calm. He was strangely pompous, it now seemed to me. He was positively governmental.

The Feral Zones
The P.C.C. brought order to the prisons and slums, but showed itself to be lower than animalistic. It perfected a form of murder by which those whom it condemned to die were forced through threat of torture to commit suicide. In 2005, during a two-day riot that gutted a prison in a town called Venceslau, it invaded a protective-custody section, decapitated five of its enemies, mounted the heads on poles to wave before TV cameras, and, it is alleged, then placed one on the ground for a game of P.C.C. soccer. The P.C.C. was feral and twisted, but so what--it existed. The state secretary of prison administration at the time was a Japanese Brazilian named Nagashi Furukawa, who had arrived as a reformer and for five years had tried to apply the principles of good government, one of which is the need to be realistic. Furukawa despised the P.C.C, but he had formally recognized its power, and, having accepted a permanent withdrawal of guards from the cellblocks and yards in most prisons, he had tried to manage the inmate populations through the sole use of P.C.C. intermediaries. For a while the prisons had been calm, but now riots were again on the rise, and the P.C.C. was becoming insatiable in its demands. By the end of 2005, Furukawa was at a loss. He tried to isolate Marcola and his nine top "generals" in a distant prison--a move that only demonstrated the lack of good choices. In January the police arrested 30 heavily armed P.C.C. commandos who were poised to mount a raid of liberation. After the arrests Furukawa continued to take the threat seriously. Hoping to throw the P.C.C. off balance, he transferred Marcola and his men to a maximum-security prison in Avar;, close to São Paulo.

From there in February, March, and April, the P.C.C. leaders increased the pressure, issuing a string of demands so evidently superficial that they could be seen only as a mockery of the state or an insult to the reforms of Furukawa. They asked for the right to bring in those famous hijacked flat-screen TVs, for changes in the color of the prison uniform from yellow to gray, for longer intimate visits, for better cigarettes. In the past Furukawa might have arranged for such inconsequentials, but he could not now appear to be giving in. Over the first four months of 2006 he faced 14 prison riots. At the end of April, the police intercepted another P.C.C. raiding party, this one intent on hitting Avar;. Word arrived that the P.C.C. was going to demand an end to R.D.D., Regime Disciplinar Diferenciado, a new and more intensive system of solitary confinement. Word arrived that it was planning another Mega-Rebellion, perhaps for Mother's Day, Sunday, May 14. Word arrived that there might be some sort of attacks against the city.

Furukawa made a last-ditch effort to gain control. On Thursday, May 11, guards seized the top P.C.C. leaders in every prison in the state and sent them off--765 in all--to the newly rebuilt and temporarily empty prison in Venceslau. Furukawa recently explained the plan to me as if he still thought it could have worked. The idea was to disassemble the gang by interrupting its communications and isolating its best men in a truly clean, cell-phone-free facility, where the guards would not be corrupt, and a special unit of nearly 100 equally honest policemen would scrutinize every visitor, deter all smuggling, and somehow keep the P.C.C. lawyers from passing messages and commands. Naturally, nothing of the sort happened. The police unit never materialized--despite Furukawa's pleas to the governor to issue the necessary orders--and Venceslau today is a prison like any other.

That outcome was so predictable even last May that on the most practical level the P.C.C. hardly needed to respond. But more was at stake than just business or prisoners' rights. The chosen 765 were not merely the gang's elite but the very representatives and intermediaries whose recognition by the state had helped to sustain the P.C.C.'s authority in the prisons. Yes, they could be replaced by new P.C.C. intermediaries--and they immediately were--but the transfer of the 765 was an assault on recognition itself, and a betrayal of the established lines of communication. Furukawa was not thinking in those terms, but to the P.C.C. he seemed to be cheating. The P.C.C. felt further insulted when it obtained an illegal recording of secret testimony in the Brazilian congress in which the transfer was discussed as if the gang could so easily be manipulated and denied. But the P.C.C. had a plan in place. On Friday, May 12, one day after the transfer occurred, Marcola is believed to have ordered the attacks.

It was not a war but a struggle which neither side could win, difficult though this was for government officials to accept. For the P.C.C, calling off the attacks made sense once it had made a show of itself. The P.C.C. really had no larger point to make. Nor really did the state. The rule of law? Marcola was returned to R.D.D. confinement in Bernardes. Most of the chosen 765 remained at Venceslau, where they soon resumed business. Once the police death squads finished killing the wrong people in the slums, São Paulo got back to its normal, strange existence. Furukawa was replaced by a prison stalwart whose vision of the future was a memory of the past. According to Furukawa, the new secretary accused him of corruption. To me, in turn, Furukawa accused the new secretary of the same. The new secretary set up a group to study privatizing the system, perhaps by calling in one of the multi-national prison companies that offer to step in now where governments have failed. In July and again in August, the P.C.C. mounted small versions of the May attacks, killing eight off-duty prison guards, bombing government buildings, shooting at the police, and burning buses. A reporter for Globo television was kidnapped, and was released two days later, but only after the network aired a P.C.C. video in which an armed and hooded man read a statement denouncing prison conditions and vowing vengeance. Through the fall and into the winter, prison riots continued, as did occasional bus burnings--though these may have been the work of imitators and independents. Government officials were warned of a possible shift toward the kidnapping of their families. Marcola went on a hunger strike for weeks in protest of the R.D.D. The P.C.C. issued a long manifesto, threatening the city with more attacks, and warning that a grand reckoning would arrive on a day it called "the Day of the Roses." The date was not specified, but there was no reason to doubt that escalations were being planned. After Christmas similar attacks were mounted against Rio de Janeiro, ordered from within the prisons by local gangs and coordinated by cell phone. International tourism was affected. In January 2007, Brazilian president Luiz Inaction Lula da Silva said this was "terrorism, and must be dealt with by the strong hand of the Brazilian state." He soon announced that he was sending in the army, navy, and air force to protect the beloved city. Also, a federal security force would be deployed along the Rio de Janeiro state borders to keep out weapons, drugs, and criminals. The gestures were empty, but governments are condemned to govern.

In São Paulo, I spoke to a prosecutor engaged in tracking the P.C.C.'s finances. He said, "If we can succeed in this matter, we can stop the P.C.C."

I was skeptical. "And if you don't succeed?" "We have to succeed." "But if you don't, what happens then?" "We don't have another plan. We have only one plan, and that is to eliminate this P.C.C. The state cannot stand to live with such a group. It is impossible."

"I'm asking you a primitive question, but why? Why can't the state stand to live with this group?"

"It is very damaging to society as a whole. The absolute lack of control that the state has over the prisons. People see this. They know this."

The lack of control is much larger than that. It extends to the favelas and, more important, to the office towers where global money flows. People see this, or they should. São Paulo is not alone. Consider all the other Third World cities, consider Moscow, consider L.A. The P.C.C. is just another inhabitant of the growing feral zones. I said, "But isn't it possible that this is a level of chaos that São Paulo can continue to live with? With all its fortifications and armored cars? Doing business with the world?"

He said, "We've got to fear what we do not know. They grew up under our noses without us seeing them. And we are still in the dark. We don't know what's coming in the future. It is simply unacceptable that a criminal gang can order attacks against security agents, against judges, that it can attack financial institutions, that it can bring the transport system to a halt. What is a state if it cannot keep this from happening?"

PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): THE FUTURE São Paulo, Brazil, an out-of-control city where rich and poor alike have evolved to a place beyond government.

PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): HEADQUARTERS Carandiru prison, long at the center of the P.C.C.'s far-flung web.

PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): THE INCUBATOR At Carandiru and elsewhere, a proto-government took charge inside the cellblocks.

PHOTO (COLOR): ALL FOR ONE The 2001 "Mega-Rebellion" involved Carandiru and 28 other prisons.

PHOTO (COLOR): SURRENDER The state attempted a show of power after the "Mega-Rebellion," but in fact it had lost control.

PHOTO (COLOR): HIS EXCELLENCY Marcos Comacho, known as Marcola, a prisoner for half his life and the acknowledged leader of the P.C.C.

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