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Canada Kyoto

Post
19/04/07, Steven Chase, Ottawa rolls out 'validators' to bolster anti-Kyoto stand, Source.
19/04/07, Tenille Boboguore, Kyoto would 'manufacture a recession': Baird, Source.
28/04/07, Globe, Al Gore says Tories' green plan a 'fraud', Source.
28/04/07, Editorial, The Kyoto quandary, Source.
28/04/07, Globe, Text of Baird's response to Gore, Source.
27/04/07, John M. Broder & Marjorie Connelly, Public Remains Split on Response to Warming, Source.



19/04/07, Steven Chase, Ottawa rolls out 'validators' to bolster anti-Kyoto stand, (Back).

OTTAWA — The Harper government has secured a high-profile endorsement of its position that Canada's economy would be crippled if it was forced to meet the Kyoto accord's timetable for cutting greenhouse gases.

On Thursday, federal Environment Minister John Baird will unveil a new study by his department that suggests complying with the Kyoto Protocol would hit Canada hard, a report that is certain to draw swift criticism from environmentalists.

The Conservatives are trying to add credence to the report, however, by also releasing an opinion from Toronto-Dominion Bank chief economist Don Drummond that effectively backs their findings.

“I believe the economic cost would be at least as deep as the recession in the early 1980s, and indeed that is the result your department's analysis shows,” Mr. Drummond writes in a letter to Mr. Baird obtained by The Globe and Mail.

The Tories are expected to unveil additional opinions by experts, whom they call “validators,” as they attempt to refute Bill C-288, a bill opposition parties pushed through the Commons in February.

It attempts to force the Harper government to meet Canada's targets under the Kyoto accord for reducing greenhouse-gas emissions.

Mr. Drummond's letter appears to be a political boon for the Tories, and a blow for the Liberals, as parties gird themselves for the possibility of an election campaign fought on hot-button issues such as Kyoto.

It will be difficult for the Liberals to attack Mr. Drummond, a senior Canadian economist whom political parties, including Mr. Dion's, have consulted over the years. He wasn't paid for this latest opinion, which the Tories solicited from him.

Thursday's announcement also lays the groundwork for the Tories' own plan to fight climate change: one outside the Kyoto accord timetable.

Kyoto's obligations would require massive action by Ottawa because under the accord, Canada is supposed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions an average of 6 per cent below 1990 levels in each year, 2008 to 2012.

Emissions have soared in recent years, making Canada's task that much harder — especially since Kyoto's so-called compliance period starts next year and Ottawa has never enacted a complete plan.

Mr. Drummond says he accepts the thinking that the only way to fulfill Bill C-288 and meet Canada's Kyoto timetable is to slap a carbon tax of about $195 on each tonne of greenhouse gas released by companies and other emitters.

“I grudgingly accept that a massive carbon tax implemented almost immediately is the only viable option to reach the bill's goals,” Mr. Drummond writes in his letter.

When fossil fuels such as oil and coal are burned, they release carbon that becomes carbon dioxide, the most prevalent greenhouse gas. A carbon tax is basically a levy on greenhouse emissions that seeks to restrict the burning of fossil fuels.

Mr. Drummond says the magnitude of Canada's required greenhouse-gas reductions under Kyoto is almost unparalleled.

“The policy shock analyzed is massive: a one-third reduction in greenhouse gas emissions for each of the next five years,” Mr. Drummond writes.

“Other than as a side effect of the economic collapse of Russia, nothing close to such a result has occurred anywhere.”

His letter dismisses Bill C-288 as unworkable, saying, “I sincerely hope no serious consideration is being given to implementing the policy.”

He warns that such a hefty carbon tax, designed to drive down emissions, would substantially hurt the economy even if Ottawa funnelled the revenue collected from the levy back to Canadians via personal and corporate income-tax cuts.

“This shock would represent a huge loss to Canadian competitiveness. Exports would plunge and imports rise.”

His only substantial quibble with the Environment Canada study is that he's not sure the carbon tax would have a relatively constant impact in later years.

The TD economist previously worked in the federal Finance Department for 23 years. He offers policy advice to politicians of all stripes, when asked, noting that the Bloc Québécois has never requested his help, and he has not shied away from criticizing Tory policies under the Harper government.

Mr. Drummond says his comments should not be interpreted as anti-environmental or suggesting that economic concerns should trump environmental needs. “The environment will also be a loser if rash policies are implemented because the course will be abandoned long before the environmental objectives are achieved.”


19/04/07, Tenille Boboguore, Kyoto would 'manufacture a recession': Baird, (Back).

Environment Minister John Baird has delivered a drastic vision of economic breakdown if Canada were forced to comply with the Kyoto Protocol, a vision the Liberals say is not based on fact.

Speaking after appearing before the Senate environment committee – where he said the only way to meet Kyoto's carbon limits was to “manufacture a recession” – Mr. Baird said the government would soon bring forward a plan that can be accomplished.

“Rather than go to reckless extremes just to make up for lost time, we want a more realistic plan which we will introduce soon,” Mr. Baird said.

He had earlier said that 275,000 Canadians would lose their jobs, gasoline prices would jump 60 per cent and natural-gas prices would double if the government adopted Bill C-288.

“The cost to maintain a home or business would skyrocket,” Mr. Baird said.

But Liberal critics accused him of fear-mongering, saying the apocalyptic claims were not backed up by any figures.

Liberal environment critic David McGuinty said the government had ignored the economic benefits of complying with Bill C-288 and the Kyoto Protocol because “that story is too positive for Canadians to know.”

He said Mr. Baird was painting Kyoto as “a money-sucking socialist scheme,” accusing the Conservative government of being “full of climate change resistors.”

“This government is isolationist and defeatist in its strategy. Canadians deserve better,” Mr. McGuinty said.

In the committee, Liberal Colin Kenny challenged Mr. Baird to provide a step-by-step explanation of how he arrived at his dire figures.

Mr. Baird referred Mr. Kenny to a document that he provided to the committee, but committee chairman Liberal Tommy Banks said he could not find any arithmetic in the document that justified the figures.

A leaked letter by Toronto-Dominion Bank economist Don Drummond supports some of Mr. Baird's warning, suggesting that Kyoto could not be achieved without a massive carbon tax of $195 tonne.

But that letter did not contain any detailed analysis.

A study last fall by Nicholas Stern, former chief economist of the World Bank, said costs of combatting global warming are manageable and would be much less than the costs of taking no action.

Bill C-288 was put forward by Liberal MP Pablo Rodriguez and passed by the Commons.

The Environment Minister defended his stand on Thursday morning, saying it was “validated by some of Canada's leading economists.

“The cost [of complying with Bill C-288] is simply too high for us to consider,” he said.

He said the benefits of compliance would not arrive in the immediate future, so effectively had no place in the short-term projections.

“In the short term of the next eight months and the average of the four years ... we're not going to see the benefit for a long time to come,” he said. “The plan we've put forward is a full plan ... and it's been validated by some of Canada's leading economists.”


28/04/07, Globe, Al Gore says Tories' green plan a 'fraud', (Back).

Former U.S. vice-president blasts Conservative environmental platform as 'complete and total fraud designed to mislead the Canadian public.'

TORONTO — The Conservatives' new environmental platform is a "complete and total fraud" that is "designed to mislead the Canadian people," former U.S. vice-president Al Gore said Saturday.

The noted environmentalist was presenting his Oscar-winning documentary An Inconvenient Truth in Toronto at a consumer environmental show, with Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty and environmentalist David Suzuki in attendance.

Mr. Gore praised Mr. Suzuki for confronting Environment Minister John Baird on Friday, saying he saw the two exchange words on TV.

When Mr. Baird told Mr. Suzuki the Conservatives were going further than any other government in Canadian history, Mr. Suzuki said it wasn't enough.

The Conservative government strategy focuses on reducing greenhouse gas emissions and improving air quality. But the plan failed to spell out precisely what many of its regulations will look like.

"In my opinion, it is a complete and total fraud," Mr. Gore said. "It is designed to mislead the Canadian people."

Mr. Gore said said he was surprised to see that the Tory plan employs the concept of "intensity reduction," which he said is a poll-tested phrase developed in Houston by the so-called think tanks financed by Exxon Mobil and some other large polluters.

Mr. Gore acknowledged he is not a Canadian citizen and said he has "no right to interfere in your decisions."

However, he said, the rest of the world looks to Canada for moral leadership and that's why this week's announcement was so "shocking."

Mr. Baird released a statement later in the day Saturday in which he refuted Mr. Gore's criticisms.

"The fact is our plan is vastly tougher than any measures introduced by the administration of which the former vice president was a member," Mr. Baird said in the statement.

Mr. Baird's statement also offered an invitation for Mr. Gore to discuss climate change and the Conservatives' environmental policies with him.


28/04/07, Editorial, The Kyoto quandary, (Back).

The opposition parties may detect short-term political advantage in denouncing the Conservative government's compromise plan for curbing greenhouse-gas emissions. But it would be foolhardy for them to force an election over this complicated issue. Sure, many Canadians hoped that we could somehow, magically, with little personal sacrifice, meet our commitments under the Kyoto Protocol to slash emissions. They are understandably disappointed with Environment Minister John Baird's cautious approach. But when those voters realize that any attempt to meet those targets at this late date could ruin the economy, they will turn on the parties -- and especially the Liberals -- that dangled the improbable dream.

As it stands, the far-from-perfect Tory plan could cost $7-billion to $8-billion during the most difficult years of its implementation, or 0.5 per cent of annual GDP. Canadians could pay more for consumer goods and utilities such as vehicles, appliances, natural gas and electricity. Even then, total reductions in industrial emissions will only commence in 2010. An absolute decline in all emissions of 20 per cent below 2006 levels will occur in 2020 -- a target that is well above and beyond Canada's pledge to reduce emissions to an average of 6 per cent below 1990 levels during the 2008-2012 period.

Still, it's a start -- which is more than you can say for the former Liberal government, which permitted emissions to steadily rise. The Tory program pins a lot of its hopes for deeper cuts on a technology fund that could eventually uncover ways to further reduce emissions. Meanwhile, nine years after Canada signed the Kyoto accord, all three opposition parties keep blithely espousing its targets.

That ship has sailed. It was always going to be difficult. Under Kyoto, energy-exporting nations are deemed to be responsible for 60 per cent of the emissions from energy exports -- even if that energy is consumed elsewhere. That provision automatically puts Canada at an enormous competitive disadvantage. If we tried to meet the Kyoto targets now, it would require a one-third reduction in emissions for each of the next five years. The shock would be brutal.

During an election campaign, voters would inevitably confront those hard facts. Their jobs, indeed their livelihoods, would be at risk. Their prosperity would decline. Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion has not yet established sufficient credibility to sell such a radical approach. In fact, once the public learns the truth, he could damage his party and his cause. Bloc Québécois Leader Gilles Duceppe should be hesitant to face the voters after the setback suffered by his provincial colleagues in the recent Quebec election. And, as this week's Strategic Counsel poll for The Globe and Mail indicates, the Green Party has made substantial inroads into New Democratic Party support. There is little upside for any opposition party here.

No doubt the Conservatives have a lot of work to do. For months, the federal government has been talking with the provinces, struggling to establish a regulatory framework for industries. That requires careful negotiations to reduce bureaucratic hurdles. But the Conservatives' cautious start is far preferable to an election based on the opposition parties' reckless prescriptions.


28/04/07, Globe, Text of Baird's response to Gore, (Back).

With respect to the comments of former United States vice-president Al Gore, the Honourable John Baird, the Minister of the Environment, made the following statement:

"Former vice-president Al Gore deserves acknowledgement for the success of his film in highlighting the huge ecological challenge of climate change. It is regrettable, however, that the former vice-president has criticized Canada's recently released action plan to cut greenhouse gases and air pollution.

"It is difficult to accept criticism from someone who preaches about climate change, but who never submitted the Kyoto Protocol to a vote in the United States Senate, who never did as much as Canada is now doing to fight climate change during eight years in office, and who has campaigned exclusively for hundreds of Democratic candidates who have weaker plans to fight greenhouse gases than Canada's New Government.

"It is equally regrettable that the former U.S. vice-president decided to speak out without ever having been briefed on the contents of our plan. The fact is our plan is vastly tougher than any measures introduced by the Administration of which the former vice-president was a member.

"I am ready to meet with Mr. Gore at any time to discuss the climate change threat and our government's tough plan to reduce Canada's emissions."


27/04/07, John M. Broder & Marjorie Connelly, Public Remains Split on Response to Warming, (Back).

Americans in large bipartisan numbers say the heating of the earth’s atmosphere is having serious effects on the environment now or will soon and think that it is necessary to take immediate steps to reduce its effects, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

Ninety percent of Democrats, 80 percent of independents and 60 percent of Republicans said immediate action was required to curb the warming of the atmosphere and deal with its effects on the global climate. Nineteen percent said it was not necessary to act now, and 1 percent said no steps were needed.

Recent international reports have said with near certainty that human activities are the main cause of global warming since 1950. The poll found that 84 percent of Americans see human activity as at least contributing to warming.

The poll also found that Americans want the United States to support conservation and to be a global leader in addressing environmental problems and developing alternative energy sources to reduce reliance on fossil fuels like oil and coal.

The presidential candidates have recognized the desire for swifter action on energy and the environment than the Bush administration has pursued and have offered plans with varying degrees of specificity.

Among the leading Democrats, John Edwards and Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York have offered fairly detailed plans for national and international programs to reduce heat-trapping gases like carbon dioxide and encouraging alternative energy sources.

Senator John McCain, Republican of Arizona, has been critical of the administration’s responses and has advocated building nuclear plants to provide electricity.

The issue arises frequently in public forums, and it is likely that along with the Iraq war and health care, it will be among the chief topics in the 2008 campaign.

When it comes to specific steps to foster conservation or produce more energy, the public is deeply torn, the poll found. Respondents said they would support higher gasoline prices to reduce dependence on foreign oil but would oppose higher prices to combat global warming.

By large margins, respondents opposed an increase in pump prices of $2 a gallon, or even $1, to deal with environmental and energy-supply concerns. Three-quarters said they would be willing to pay more for electricity generated by renewable sources like solar or wind energy.

The negative view of new gasoline taxes may reflect the wide expectation that pump prices will continue to increase regardless of government action. More than 80 percent foresee higher prices in coming months, with many citing the Iraq war as a primary cause. Most respondents said they did not expect that any withdrawal of American troops from Iraq would cause prices to fall.

Nearly half of those polled also said they did not believe that their fellow Americans would be willing to change driving habits to save gasoline or reduce the production of heat-trapping gases, which most scientists say contribute to the warming.

Respondents expressed little confidence in President Bush’s handling of environmental or energy issues, and a majority of those polled, including many Republicans, said Democrats were more likely than Republicans to protect the environment and foster energy independence.

One-third approved Mr. Bush’s handling of the environment and 27 percent approved his approach to energy questions. Democrats have criticized Mr. Bush’s policies on energy and the environment almost from the day he took office. Those policies have also cost him some Republican support, the poll showed.

“I think the Republicans have slashed the funds for cleanup of the environment, and if it comes down to whether or not it will cost big business, forget about the cleanup,” said Ron Gellerman, 65, a respondent from Maple Grove, Minn., who said he was a Republican.

“The Democrats are more willing to spend dollars on pure research,” Mr. Gellerman added in a follow-up interview after the poll was completed. “They’re open to alternative sources of energy, like wind. We could save more energy by increasing the efficiency of our electrical system and our automobiles. And the Democrats would be more willing to look at that sort of thing because they’re not so beholden to Big Oil.”

Many governors, members of Congress and presidential hopefuls from both parties have been more outspoken than Mr. Bush on the need to take immediate steps to combat global warming and reduce oil imports.

Private citizens tend to agree with them, the poll found, but they are also somewhat bewildered about the issues. Asked whether discussions of energy and the environment by political leaders were helpful or confusing, nearly three-quarters said the details were confusing.

Asked how they would respond to a presidential candidate who said all Americans would have to pay more for fuel or use less of it to protect the environment, one-third said they would be more likely to vote for that person and 15 percent said they would be less likely. Almost half said it would make no difference.

Americans broadly support using renewable energy sources like solar and wind power and say fueling vehicles with ethanol, which is now made largely from corn, is a good idea, the survey found.

They also are nearly evenly split on building nuclear power plants to reduce reliance on imported energy sources. When asked whether they would accept a nuclear plan in their community, they said no, 59 percent to 36 percent.

The nationwide telephone poll was conducted Friday to Tuesday with 1,052 adults. The margin-of-sampling error is plus or minus three percentage points.

Nearly four of five of those polled said they believed that the condition of the air, water, land and wildlife around the world was fair or poor. One percent rated global environmental quality as excellent, and 19 percent called it good. But 56 percent said the environmental condition in their communities was excellent or good.

Despite general optimism about their children’s future found in other surveys, respondents in this poll said by 57 percent to 11 percent that the condition of the environment would be worse for the next generation.

Fifty-two percent said that generally speaking they would support protecting the environment over stimulating the economy. Thirty-six percent chose the economy. But respondents also said, 62 percent to 21 percent, that developing new energy sources was more important than protecting the environment.

Yet they also expressed the belief that the government should encourage conservation over increasing development of additional energy sources. By a substantial margin, Americans continue to oppose drilling for oil and natural gas in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska, as they have for the last six years.

Although respondents split almost evenly on whether Washington can effectively address global warming, they almost unanimously (92 percent to 6 percent) supported requiring automobile manufacturers to make more fuel-efficient cars.

There is more opposition to using fossil fuels among Democrats than Republicans. Fifty-four percent of Democrats consider using coal to generate electricity to be a bad idea, compared with 39 percent of Republicans. Sixty-one percent of Republicans favor using natural gas to generate power, while Democrats divided, with 42 percent saying it is a good idea and 45 percent opposing it.

Americans almost universally support developing alternative energy sources like wind or solar power and biofuels, with 87 percent expressing approval. But fewer than 10 percent of those polled said they used any alternative energy source at home.

A big majority, 75 percent, said recent weather had been stranger than usual, an increase of almost 10 percentage points from 1997. Of those who said the weather had turned weird, 43 percent attributed it to global warming and 15 percent to pollution or other environmental damage. Four percent cited the coming end of the world or biblical prophecy, and 2 percent blamed space junk.

Ten years ago, 5 percent of respondents blamed global warming for changes in the weather.

(Back)

Amazon

Post
24/04/07, Amazônia, Proteção da Amazônia une Greenpeace e McDonald's, Source.
13/04/07, AP, Brazilian judge orders reopening of Cargill's Amazon River port, Source.
29/06/06, Iberê Thenório, Sob pressão, Cargill admite que vai assinar pacto contra escravidão, Source.
13/04/07, ORM, Porto da Cargill é reaberto em Santarém, Source.
13/04/07, ORM, Cargill fala sobre reabertura do porto de Santarém, Source.
12/04/07, ORM, Liminar autoriza reabertura do porto da Cargill, Source.
24/04/07, Marc Kaufman, New Allies on The Amazon - McDonald's, Greenpeace Unite To Prevent Rainforest Clearing, Source.
16/04/07, Monte Reel, In Rio, Death Comes Early, Source.


24/04/07, Amazônia, Proteção da Amazônia une Greenpeace e McDonald's, (Back).

Antes acusada de cumplicidade no desmatamento da Amazônia ao comprar soja brasileira plantada em áreas desmatadas, a rede de fast food McDonald’s está agora se aliando ao grupo ambientalista Greenpeace na proteção à floresta tropical, segundo afirma reportagem publicada nesta terça-feira pelo diário americano The Washington Post. O jornal relata uma missão composta por quatro ambientalistas e quatro executivos do McDonald’s à Amazônia para verificar os locais onde partes da floresta estariam sendo colocadas abaixo para dar lugar a plantações de soja.

“E apesar de o Greenpeace há não muito tempo ter acusado o McDonald’s de cumplicidade no desmatamento, no momento da viagem à Amazônia, em janeiro, os oito integrantes da missão referiam-se uns aos outros como parceiros”, diz a reportagem.

Segundo o jornal, a rede americana e o grupo ambientalista pressionaram conjuntamente os maiores comerciantes de soja do Brasil a estabelecer uma moratória de dois anos na compra de qualquer soja de áreas recentemente desmatadas.

Para a reportagem, “a história de como os dois peso-pesados se aliaram reflete as complexidades, as pressões e as ironias da economia globalizada”. “Ela também ilustra como parcerias antes inimagináveis podem se tornar forças para combater problemas ambientais e sociais com os quais os governos não conseguem lidar”, diz o texto.


13/04/07, AP, Brazilian judge orders reopening of Cargill's Amazon River port, (Back).

SAO PAULO, Brazil - An important deep-water Amazon River port owned by Cargill Inc. has been reopened by court order while the huge U.S.-based agribusiness firm keeps fighting environmentalists who say the port encourages destruction of the rain forest.

Minnetonka, Minn.-based Cargill opened the $20 million port three years ago to cash in on the rising global demand for soybeans, which had become Brazil's richest agricultural export.

But Cargill has had to fight in court to keep it open after it was accused of failing to provide an additional environmental impact study before building the export hub.

Environmentalists cheered the closure on March 23 by a judge who determined that based Cargill's initial environmental assessment, which was accepted by the state of Para, failed to meet federal standards. Cargill appealed and persuaded a judge to reopen the port on Thursday night, the company said Friday in a statement.

If the court eventually requires Cargill to provide another impact study, it will do so, Cargill said.

The rain forest, as big as Western Europe, lost 6,450 square miles to deforestation between 2005 and 2006, Brazil's Environment Ministry says, and ports and roads that make it easier to export soy are a major factor.

Cargill ships 1 million metric tons of soybeans each year from Santarem, 1,550 miles northwest of Rio de Janeiro, helping to make Brazil the world's second-largest soy exporter behind the United States.


29/06/06, Iberê Thenório, Sob pressão, Cargill admite que vai assinar pacto contra escravidão, (Back).

Em conferência realizada pelo Instituto Ethos, presidente da empresa no Brasil afirma que vai assinar o pacto em que empresas se comprometem a manter o trabalho escravo longe de suas cadeias produtivas.

Esta terça-feira não foi um dia fácil para o presidente da Cargill no Brasil, Sérgio Barroso. Convidado pelo Instituto Ethos para ser um dos palestrantes da Conferência Internacional 2006 - Empresas e Responsabilidade Social, que começou nesta segunda-feira (19), em São Paulo, ele se viu em uma situação constrangedora durante a mesa redonda cujo tema era "Desmatamento da Amazônia - como é possível evitar?". Justamente o calcanhar de Aquiles da Cargill.

Ao contrário dos colegas de mesa (como Sérgio Amoroso, do Grupo Jari-Orsa, e Maurício Reis, da Companhia Vale do Rio Doce) o empresário da soja começou a palestra sem nenhum case para apresentar. Utilizou seus 20 minutos de fala para defender o agronegócio e a utilização do transporte fluvial no Brasil (leia-se: defender o porto construído pela empresa em Santarém/PA, que corre o risco de ser embargado por falta de licença ambiental). Barroso também mostrou um mapa das plantações de soja no país, tentando mostrar que a cultura do grão praticamente não afetava esse ecossistema.

No final da palestra, entre as medidas que citou para proteger a região, o presidente da Cargill ressaltou a importância de "observar" a assinatura do Pacto Nacional pela Erradicação do Trabalho Escravo, organizado pelo Instituto Ethos e pela Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), em que empresas se comprometem a manter sua cadeia produtiva longe do trabalho escravo. O detalhe é que a Cargill não havia assinado o documento.

Pesquisas, como a da ONG Greenpeace, identificaram que a empresa comprava soja de fazendas que estão na "lista suja" do trabalho escravo. Organizada pelo governo federal, essa relação divulga as propriedades comprovadamante flagradas cometendo esse crime. As suas concorrentes ADM, Amaggi e Bunge também demostraram o mesmo problema em suas cadeias produtivas. A Amaggi e a Bunge assinaram o Pacto.

A maior saia-justa da Cargill veio quando subiu ao púlpito Eugênio Scannavino, do Projeto Saúde e Alegria, que atua junto a comunidades extrativistas da Amazônia. Ele apresentou à platéia uma reportagem do programa Fantástico, da Rede Globo, que mostrava a devastação da Amazônia causada pela soja e o pé-de-guerra instalado no Pará quando a ONG Greenpeace tentou bloquear o porto de Santarém, em protesto contra o comportamento da Cargill. Pela primeira vez na mesa redonda, o auditório lotado, com mais de mil pessoas e formado principalmente por empresários (e não por "ambientalistas xiitas"), aplaudiu em pé. Scannavino, em sua palestra, afirmou que a população da Amazônia não precisa da soja para se desenvolver e sim da floresta, da qual já sobrevive.

Como Sérgio Barroso já havia avisado que sairia mais cedo, como é de praxe quando grandes empresários envolvidos em polêmicas participam de debates, Oded Grajew, mediador do evento e presidente do Conselho Deliberativo do Ethos, resolveu modificar o programa do evento. E abriu um espaço para que Barroso - cujo rosto já passava do vermelho ao roxo - pudesse responder às críticas.

Três pessoas fizeram a mesma pergunta: por que a Cargill não assinou o Pacto contra o trabalho escravo? Barroso explicou que a Associação Brasileira das Indústrias de Óleos Vegetais (Abiove), da qual sua empresa faz parte, já havia assinado, mas, se fosse necessário, a Cargill também poderia assinar individualmente. Questionado após a palestra, Sérgio Barroso finalmente cedeu à pressão da sociedade civil. "Sim, nós vamos assinar o pacto."

A empresa, uma das maiores de capital fechado do mundo, agora poderá ter suas atividades monitoradas. O que, é claro, não irá resolver os problemas causados pelo impacto da expansão da soja na Amazônia, da qual a gigante norte-americana é um dos atores principais. Mas já é um alento para a floresta e seus moradores.


13/04/07, ORM, Porto da Cargill é reaberto em Santarém, (Back).

O Ibama cumpriu nesta sexta-feira (13) a decisão do desembargador federal, Carlos Fernando Matias, que desembargou o porto graneleiro da Cargill.

O desembargo foi coordenado pelo chefe da fiscalização do Ibama em
Santarém, Manoel Costa Filho, junto com o analista ambiental da
instituição, Marcos Borges e duas testemunhas.

Após a quebra do lacres e assinatura do termo de desembargo pelo
gerente operacional da empresa, Douglas Odoni, o porto foi reaberto.

Críticas - Em nota divulgada em seu site, o Greenpeace declarou que para a Ong a decisão é contraditória. 'Em liminar concedida pelo então juiz federal em Santarém, Dimis da Costa Braga, em 2000, suspendeu não apenas o alvará de autorização emitido pela Secretaria Estadual de Ciência, Tecnologia e Meio Ambiente (Sectam), como a proibiu de emitir qualquer outra autorização para funcionamento do porto da Cargill sem a aprovação do EIA-Rima demonstrando a viabilidade ambiental do projeto', diz a nota.

“Se reaberto, o porto vai operar ilegalmente, já que a licença de operação só poderá ser emitida depois da realização e aprovação dos Estudos de Impacto Ambiental”, disse Tatiana de Carvalho, da campanha do Greenpeace de proteção à Amazônia. Na próxima segunda feira (16), a Cargill volta aos tribunais para apelar da decisão de realizar o EIA/Rima.


13/04/07, ORM, Cargill fala sobre reabertura do porto de Santarém, (Back).

A Cargill enviou, na manhã desta sexta-feira (13) nota à Redação do Portal ORM comentando liminar concedida, na tarde de quinta-feira (12), pelo Tribunal Regional Federal da Primeira Região, em Brasília, determinando a imediata reabertura do porto de Santarém.

Segue nota, na íntegra:

'Na tarde de ontem, o Tribunal Regional Federal da Primeira Região, em Brasília, determinou a sua imediata reabertura. Com isso, é restabelecida pelo mesmo Tribunal a situação de direito que prevalece desde a sentença da Justiça de Primeira Instância, em 2004, e reiterado pelo Juiz de Santarém em 14 de março deste ano, de que o terminal está autorizado a operar enquanto aguarda a conclusão do processo, agora em Segunda Instância. Com a decisão, a empresa agora busca agora a formalização dos procedimentos para a reabertura junto ao Ibama e à Secretaria do Meio Ambiente do Estado do Pará.

O terminal havia interrompido suas operações na noite do dia 23 de março por foça de decisão do Desembargador do TRF, usando como base uma uma medida cautelar proposta anterior à 2004, ignorando o conteúdo da sentença de Primeira Instância, clara em não prever essa medida. A determinação de reabertura, resultado da ação proposta pela Cargill em 26 de março, restabelece o respeito ao que preconiza o sistema legal e a Constituição brasileira.

A empresa reitera a legalidade do seu Terminal, que sempre operou com todas as licenças necessárias e, desde o seu projeto, atendeu às exigências feitas pelas autoridades em âmbito Federal, Estadual e Municipal. A exigência de um novo estudo de impacto ambiental, além do que já foi realizado pela empresa, aguarda decisão de Segunda Instância e a Cargill cumprirá, como sempre fez, as determinações da Justiça'.

O Ministério Público Federal ainda não se pronunciou sobre o assunto.


12/04/07, ORM, Liminar autoriza reabertura do porto da Cargill, (Back).

O TRF (Tribunal Regional Federal) concedeu, no final da tarde desta quinta-feira (12) liminar autorizando a Cargill a reabrir o porto que funciona em Santarém. O despacho foi assinado pelo Desembargador Federal Carlos Fernando Matias.

O Porto da Cargill estava fechado desde 24 de março. A solicitação partiu do MPF (Ministério Público Federal) que, desde 26 de fevereiro, vinha pedindo o fechamento imediato da empresa com sede em Minneapolis (EUA), que, segundo o próprio MPF, construiu e colocou em operação um terminal graneleiro no rio Tapajós sem elaborar Estudos de Impacto Ambiental (EIA-Rima), obrigatório pela legislação brasileira para qualquer atividade econômica de maior envergadura.

O EIA é o instrumento essencial do licenciamento ambiental, citado na constituição brasileira, que diz, no artigo 225, inciso IV, ser obrigação do poder público 'exigir, na forma da lei, para instalação de obra ou atividade potencialmente causadora de significativa degradação do meio ambiente, estudo prévio de impacto ambiental a que se dará publicidade'.

A Cargill é fornecedora internacional de produtos e serviços nos setores de alimentação, agricultura e gestão de riscos. A empresa tem 142 mil funcionários em 61 países. No Brasil há 40 anos, está ligada ao setor do agronegócio. Com sede em São Paulo (SP), tem unidades industriais e escritórios em cerca de 180 municípios brasileiros e cerca de 23 mil funcionários.

O Portal ORM aguarda posicionamento da Cargill e do Ministério Público Federal sobre a reabertura do porto de Santarém.


24/04/07, Marc Kaufman, New Allies on The Amazon - McDonald's, Greenpeace Unite To Prevent Rainforest Clearing, (Back).

It was an unusual group to be sharing a small boat making its way up the Amazon River.

There were four environmental activists from Greenpeace -- Brazilians and others who flew in from Europe for the trip. And there were four corporate leaders of McDonald's, the world's largest fast-food chain, from its Chicago headquarters and from Europe.

An unlikely team of Greenpeace activists and McDonald's executives took a boat up the Amazon to see the destruction of rainforest partly driven by McDonald's demand for soybeans. (Photo Courtesy Of Bob Langert -- Mcdonald's; Graphic By Laris Karklis And Karen Yourish -- The Washington Post)

Biotech foods are unpopular in Europe, so most companies doing business there make a point of using only soy, corn and other staples that have not been genetically modified.

Brazilian growers saw a market opportunity in non-modified soy. With help from multinational companies such as Cargill, which supplies McDonald's with Brazilian soy for chicken feed, farmers began cutting down trees in the interior of the Amazon rainforest to grow soy and other crops.

Greenpeace and Chicago-based McDonald's pressured Cargill and other soy traders into placing a two-year moratorium on the purchase of any soy from newly deforested areas.

The eight were in the rainforest together on a mission to see firsthand where farmers were cutting down virgin forest to grow soy beans for, among other customers, McDonald's. And though Greenpeace had not long ago been accusing McDonald's of complicity in the deforestation, by the time of the Amazon trip in January, the eight officials were calling each other partners.

Those weren't just words. The ubiquitous fast-food company and the global environmentalists had already jointly pressured the biggest soy traders in Brazil into placing an unprecedented two-year moratorium on the purchase of any soy from newly deforested areas.

Officials at Cargill, the huge multinational company that supplied McDonald's with Brazilian soy for chicken feed and ultimately pushed fellow soy traders to accept the moratorium, confirmed that the odd couple of McDonald's and Greenpeace made it happen.

"McDonald's and, yes, Greenpeace, were the catalysts," said Laurie Johnson, a spokeswoman for Cargill. "They brought together a wide range of people and created a sense of real urgency."

The tale of how the two heavyweights came together reflects the complexities, pressures and ironies of the globalized economy. It also illustrates how once-unthinkable partnerships can become forces for addressing environmental and social problems that governments cannot handle.

With Brazilian soy, the problem at least partially grew out of an unrelated dispute over genetically modified food products.

While U.S. consumers and many others largely accept biotech foods, the products are unpopular with Europeans, and most companies doing business in Europe make a point of using only soy, corn and other staples that have not been genetically modified. With U.S. and other major soy growers increasingly turning to biotech crops, Brazilian growers saw a market opportunity in traditional, non-modified soy.

With help from multinational companies such as Cargill, some Brazilian farmers began cutting down trees in the interior of the Amazon rainforest to grow soy and other crops. The scale of the operation did not become apparent until 2003, when Greenpeace and other activists saw satellite maps that showed significant new deforestation. Because of the Amazon rainforest's central role in modulating global climate, the maps caused immediate alarm.

Greenpeace's investigators searched records to see which companies were involved in the destruction and which were buying the rainforest soy. One relatively small-scale but high-profile buyer was McDonald's European operation, which fed the soy to chickens destined to become McNuggets.

Greenpeace and other non-governmental organizations have become adept at putting pressure on big companies like McDonald's, which don't want customers to think they are unfriendly to the environment or mistreating animals. Greenpeace not only staged rainforest protests at McDonald's outlets in Europe last spring, but it also sent its ship, the Arctic Sunrise, to block Cargill's port in the Amazon city of Santarem.

Following the protests, the fast-food chain and the environmentalists got together and brought in Cargill. The company had opened a port and series of soy silos at Santarem in 2003 and encouraged some farmers to grow soy for it -- though Johnson, the spokeswoman, said the company thought most of the 150 to 200 farmers it worked with were tilling land that had been deforested long ago. She also said the port was used to ship soy grown outside the rainforest.

At first, Cargill took the stand that it was bringing economic development to an impoverished region and was already working with the Nature Conservancy and others to promote good stewardship practices. Greenpeace, and soon additional environmental groups, replied that the company was inducing farmers to move into environmentally fragile areas, where they often began planting with fake property papers, without proper permits and with little understanding of forest conservation.

Faced with its unhappy McDonald's client, Cargill brought together other Brazilian soy traders, and they ultimately agreed on the moratorium -- an unthinkable action just a few months before.

"We really didn't see an immediate problem with the soy farmers, but we could see how it could grow into a big problem in the future," Cargill's Johnson said. "The moratorium will give everyone time to plan how to better control the farming and protect the forest."

A working group of soy traders and environmental and community organizations is scheduled to meet this month to discuss the soy farmers, this time with representatives of the Brazilian government, too.

For McDonald's, working with a group like Greenpeace was unusual but not unprecedented. The company has joined with a variety of environmental and animal welfare groups over the years on issues including the company's packaging, the use of environmentally harmful refrigerants and treatment of farm animals. Creating a responsible supply chain is part of the corporate culture, its officials say, though it clearly is also good public relations.

"We listened to what Greenpeace was saying about soy from the rainforest, and I think we surprised them at first by saying, 'You're right. We have a problem here,' " said Bob Langert, McDonald's vice president for corporate citizenship. "We have a firm policy against using beef -- or any other products -- that come from the rainforest. So when we learned that some of our soy was coming from there, we got involved."

John Sauven, head of Greenpeace's rainforest initiative, said that joint efforts between nonprofit groups and major corporations have become increasingly important and sophisticated but that the idea of partnering with McDonald's was hardly in the initial plan.

"We have an active campaign to save the rainforests, and it turned out that we and McDonald's had very similar goals," he said. "We didn't start out with the idea of focusing on McDonald's or partnering with them, and someday we may well go after them again on other issues. But on this one, they played a highly positive role."

John Buchanan, director for agriculture and fisheries for Conservation International, a nonprofit group, said his organization has been working with the big traders of soy and other grains in Brazil for some time, helping them create "environmental scorecards" to see how they are doing throughout their long supply chains.

Buchanan said Greenpeace and McDonald's uncovered a growing problem that had not been flagged before. Together they "shook the tree" in "soil that had been cultivated by others," and now unprecedented environmental progress is possible, he said.

"You never know how things will ultimately turn out, but this could be an important model for attacking very complicated social and environmental problems in the future," he said.


16/04/07, Monte Reel, In Rio, Death Comes Early, (Back).

Juveniles Are Often Victims as Gangs, Police Vie for Control of Slums.

RIO DE JANEIRO -- The sound of crackling explosions entered through the glassless window of Maiza Madeira's home, a hollow-brick shanty wedged deep within the narrow, twisting alleyways of this city's largest hillside slum.

She lifted her chin to acknowledge the noise, paused, then dismissed the sound as quickly as it had come: "Fireworks," she said.

Rocinha is Rio de Janeiro's largest favela, or shantytown, and occupies a hillside overlooking some of the city's wealthiest neighborhoods.

Each time she hears a rapid-fire noise like that, she said, the pause that follows marks the instant in which she takes quick inventory of her children. She has three, and she considers it her mission to steer them through childhood safely. But they live in a favela -- a shantytown that doubles as a battlefield, fought over by the neighborhood's ruling drug gangs, the police and, in some cases, vigilante militias -- and safety is hardly guaranteed.

In this neighborhood, called Rocinha, almost everyone has a story about how violence penetrated their homes. Many of the stories, like Madeira's, focus on children as central characters, whether as victims of crimes or as perpetrators.

The favelas are statistically the most violent sections of Rio, a city where the number of juvenile deaths attributed to violence far exceeds that of many war zones. From 2002 through 2006, 729 Israeli and Palestinian minors were killed as a result of the violence in Israel and the occupied territories, according to B'Tselem, an Israeli human rights group. During the same period in Rio de Janeiro, 1,857 minors were reported murdered, according to the Institute of Public Security, a state research center.

In the past three months, several high-profile crimes have sparked renewed national debate over children and violence. Brazil's Congress is considering applying harsher sentences for crimes involving children, and possibly reducing the minimum age for criminally prosecuting teenage offenders, which is now 18.

Residents here say they have plenty of cautionary tales involving their kids.

Madeira said it was three years ago when she learned to identify the sound of fireworks so accurately. On the first night of Rio's annual Carnaval celebration, she said, her 16-year-old son was out with friends at the favela's dance hall. Celebratory fireworks had been popping all night, but one particular eruption caused Madeira to sit up in bed.

"What was that?" she recalled asking her husband.

"Just fireworks," he had told her.

She slept uneasily until another sound -- someone insistently banging on the aluminum door of their house -- woke her at 4 a.m. One of her four children had been fatally shot by a raiding unit of military police.

Shocked Into Action

In February, two armed carjackers tried forcing a woman and her 6-year-old boy out of their vehicle in Rio. The woman escaped, but the boy's foot got caught in the seat-belt strap. He was dismembered as he was dragged alongside the car for about four miles.

What followed was a national outcry, partly because of the boy's death, but also because one of the carjackers was 17 and couldn't be charged with a crime.

Since the dragging death, Congress has taken preliminary measures that would strengthen penalties for adults who involve children in crimes, and it has debated lowering the criminal prosecution age to 16. For now, though, police say they still feel handicapped by the law.

"Some of these guys we are fighting now are 10 or 12 years old," said Rodrigo Oliveira, a civilian police commander who heads a special operations unit that fights gangs inside the favelas. "I might know of this kid that is doing a criminal act, but under the law, I can't consider him a criminal. Nowadays, the gangs are using kids under 18 to do their worst crimes because they know they won't go to jail."

Instead, they are sent to juvenile justice centers, where they spend a maximum of 45 days before being enrolled in a state program designed to educate and rehabilitate them. The maximum sentence for juveniles is three years in those programs, but maximum sentences are rare. Most young offenders spend weekdays in a rehab program for several months and are free to stay at home on the weekends.

At the Padre Severino Youth Detention Institute in Rio, about 185 boys crowd into 10 dank concrete cells every day. The inmates are assigned cells not by age -- they are all between 12 and 18 -- but by which gangs control the favelas they call home.

The other day, Marcos, an angular 17-year-old with a quick smile, sat on one of the stone-framed bunk beds at the center. He described himself as a drug dealer, a robber and a killer, and said he has been sent to Padre Severino five times since he joined the Red Command, Rio's largest drug gang, at age 12. In February, police raided his house while he was sleeping and found unlicensed guns.

Marcos had always known gang members in Cantagalo, a favela overlooking the famed Ipanema beach community. He said that when he was 11, he tried to join the gang but was rejected for being too young. So he launched a charm offensive, snatching necklaces from women in Ipanema and bringing them back to the favela to show the gang members what he could do. By the time he was 12, he said, they took him in as a delivery boy. Sometimes he carried food for them, sometimes drugs. He always carried his own .38-caliber pistol.

"I moved out of my home when I was 13, and the gang became my family," said Marcos, whose last name is being withheld because of the detention center's policy. "If we went dancing, we went together. If we went to the beach, we went together. If we decided to rob someone, we did it together."

He quickly became a dealer, pocketing about $125 a week, he said. He recently became a manager controlling all drug sales within a specified section of the favela. His income roughly tripled. Instead of a pistol, he began carrying a machine gun loaded with 7.62mm bullets.

Marcos said he was 14 when he first killed someone. A guy in the favela had gotten a virgin pregnant, and a gang leader ordered Marcos to administer lethal punishment. He said he has since killed dealers who have stolen from the gang, as well as others who tried to rat to the police. He doesn't always like doing it, he said, especially if the victim is someone he considers a friend. But they all know the rules, he said, and had agreed to play by them.

"I don't fear death," Marcos said, smiling slightly. "I make fun of it. If it's time for me to die, I'll die."

In the Crossfire

Joel Ferreira Silvestre, 17, sat on a concrete step outside his house, around the corner from a small cluster of men slamming at the sidewalk with pickaxes. They were laying a new length of PVC pipe to deliver water to one of the houses. That's the way things work in the favela -- people do not call a public utility when they need such work done, because utilities don't serve them. Nor do the police, which means that the young man sitting on another step several yards from Joel could lean to his left and light a joint from the end of his friend's cigarette, secure in the knowledge that no one would try to stop him.

The only time the police come into this neighborhood is when they enter in an armored vehicle, assault rifles drawn, on a raid. Joel has tried to stay out of the conflict as much as he can, but it's easy to get caught in the crossfire. That's what happened, he said, to his 16-year-old cousin, who had been with a large group of teenagers in 2004 when the police raided. He was fatally shot.

Like Marcos, Joel can't stand the police. But he said he has never been tempted to join a gang. Instead, he hopes military service will deliver him from the line of fire.

"I want to make my dad proud," said Joel, who hopes to graduate from high school in 2009 if he is not drafted. "My dad says that in the army they teach you things you can't learn on the streets, and that would be good for my future, for my whole life."

If someone were to randomly pick 100 teenage boys out of his neighborhood, Joel guessed that 30 of them would probably be gang members. That's higher than the estimates of academics and social workers, but it still would mean that Joel is a lot more representative of favela kids than Marcos is.

The Observatory of Favelas, a nonprofit organization that operates social programs in various slums throughout Rio, late last year released a survey of 230 teenagers who had been involved with gangs; 46 of them had died during the two-year research period, two-thirds of whom had been shot by police.

According to the Institute of Public Security, an average of 371 minors each year were reported murdered in Rio from 2002 and 2006. Because some people believe the officially reported figures of overall homicides in Rio are low, a Web site -- http://www.riobodycount.com.br-- this year began compiling its own count by collecting news reports of violent deaths. Overall, it has counted 675 homicides in Rio since Feb. 1.

"For young people, this is a genocide," said Raquel Willadino, a director of violence-related issues and human rights for the Observatory of Favelas. "And I don't mean that as a metaphor. It really is a genocide."

President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, prompted by the crime in Rio, met Friday with his military advisers to discuss the possibility of deploying troops in the city to help contain the violence.

But Willadino and many other social workers in the favelas are against ideas such as lengthening sentences for child-related crimes or lowering the prosecution age. The prison and detention systems are already stretched beyond capacity, and the police do not have a good track record in separating the good kids in a favela from the bad ones, she said. On her desk, she had a copy of a recent daily newspaper front page, with a large photo of a police officer searching the book bag of an elementary school boy -- a good illustration, she said, of law enforcement's indiscriminate approach toward favela residents.

Many police officials, meanwhile, express exasperation when they see things like that. Allan Turnowski, state director of police special operations, said those kind of pictures in the news media leave out an important part of the story. Just before the officers searched the backpack of the child in the photo, he said, they had found a gun in another boy's pack. The criminals force the police to be cautious, he said.

"The media doesn't show the good things we do -- just the sensationalism," he said. "They show the criminal the hero, and we lose all authority in the minds of the young people. Then they see the police as the bad guys."

Joel certainly does. He said he often feels like a target in the war between police and the gangs, even though he has tried to go out of his way to avoid it. Joel said that last month he was stopped by a policeman while riding a motorcycle a friend had lent him. The police officer told him to hand over all his money, Joel said, or else he'd be arrested and taken into custody for riding a motorcycle he didn't own.

He gave him the money, he said, and collected another story to explain why he wants the army to call his name.

"I'd like to be living somewhere else," he said. "Somewhere calmer, where I can breathe easier."

(Back)

21/04/07, NYT Editorial, Pacific Miracles

Post
The trouble with modernity is how efficiently it obliterates the troves of age-old knowledge otherwise known as wisdom. The good news from Palau, a Pacific island nation near the Philippines, is that some wise old ways have reasserted themselves to the great benefit of that tiny republic’s fish and reefs, and the people who depend on them.

Under an ancient system of laws known throughout the South Pacific as tabu or kapu, rulers would forbid fishing in certain areas to let them recover from overuse. Their decisions relied on deep knowledge of seasons and of the habits of fish and plants, and were strictly obeyed by islanders, who understood that depletion of fisheries meant death.

Overfishing by local fishermen, commercial boats and poachers using dynamite has been as much a problem in Palau as elsewhere in the Pacific. Then elders in Ngiwal, a state of Palau, banned fishing on a small section of reef in 1994. It took only a few years for fish to return. Palau now protects 460 square miles of reefs and lagoons, and its reputation for recreational diving is unmatched.

In 2005, Palau’s president, Tommy Remengesau Jr., issued the “Micronesian challenge,” calling on the region to conserve 30 percent of coastal waters and 20 percent of land by 2020. Fiji, the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu have created hundreds of “no take” zones. Meanwhile, nations in another sea are pursuing their own “Caribbean challenge.”

The trend is encouraging, but there is still a lot of water to cover. It would help if the United States dove in. Hawaii’s reefs and inshore waters are increasingly barren, depleted by pollution, invasive species and fishermen using things like brutally efficient gill nets to catch vast amounts of fish.

Hawaii’s House of Representatives, pushed by the commercial fishing industry, recently passed a deplorable “Right to Fish” bill that is fundamentally at odds with the spirit of Palau. It erects impossible barriers against the creation of no-take zones. It would stamp out the small but growing efforts of local communities and conservation groups to adopt their own sensible fishing restrictions.

Native Hawaiians know all about kapu. What the lobbyists pushing the legislation are banking on is that Hawaiians will forget the usefulness of the old ways and bristle at the supposed paternalism. It would be a perverse victory for “rights” if such an attitude hastened the demise of a shared, precious and vulnerable resource like an island fishery.

More Modest Proposals

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19/04/07, Paul Majendie, Wild horses invited to lunch, Source.
20/04/07, Nils Klawitter, Asterix vs. The Romans - A German Town Tries to Live Without Big Energy, Source.


19/04/07, Paul Majendie, Wild horses invited to lunch, (Back).

CANTERBURY, England — Close to the English cathedral city of Canterbury, wild horses linked to sinister Nazi experiments are helping to bring wildlife and rare birds back to once desolate marshlands.

In an intriguing environmental exercise that could revitalize the countryside, naturalistic grazing is the environmental buzzword – the horses basically munch the marshes back to life.

The hardy Koniks, horses bred in Poland from the now-extinct European tarpan, are superbly adapted to living on wetlands and revitalize reed beds as they graze.

They were brought to Britain in a project run by the city council in Canterbury and the Wildwood Trust, whose nearby animal discovery park attracts 100,000 visitors a year.

Wild horses are seen on the ancient woodland site of Wildewood in southern England close to Canterbury in this undated handout photograph released by the Wildwood Trust. (Wildwood Trust)

For Peter Smith, the Wildwood Trust's chief executive, the sturdy and self-reliant Konik is the perfect tool for re-creating a nature reserve on the banks of the River Stour.

Gravel from the 60-hectare area was excavated for building materials up to the 1950s. The land constantly flooded, it was then shored up with chalk but proved uneconomical for agricultural use.

The first 13 horses have already produced four foals, which graze contentedly in the spring sunshine after settling speedily into their new home.

"They are almost like little farmers selecting the plants they want. There is harmony between the plants and the animals who have evolved together over millions of years. Man has taken away this harmony," Mr. Smith said.

"It is wonderful use of our land, which could be teeming with wildlife again. We have already seen egrets back nesting on the site," he told Reuters. "But the horses certainly have had a very, very harsh history and a very sinister past."

Nazi geneticists

Tarpans roamed all over Britain until hunted to extinction in Neolithic times. They survived in central Europe until pure breeds finally disappeared at the turn of the 20th century.

Polish scientists, noticing that tarpan-coloured foals were being born to local mares, successfully bred back horses with similar characteristics and called them Koniks – Polish for pony.

The story of the tarpan, which featured heavily in the folklore of Teutonic crusader knights in the 13th and 14th centuries, does have a dark side.

After the Nazi invasion of Poland in the Second World War, whole herds transported to Germany where geneticists sought to recreate the pure Aryan wild horse.

"The Nazis were trying to emulate what they thought was Germany's greatest era. Having a Teutonic horse was something to parade at Nazi rallies," Smith said.

When the Russians invaded Germany in the final days of the war, the horses were eaten by the starving people of Munich and Berlin.

After the war, protected herds repopulated Poland's national parks. Then, with the fall of the Iron Curtain, conservationists transported the horses to parks across Europe.

And now, a herd of Koniks from the Netherlands lives in this cathedral city bringing nature full circle in the land where they were once hunted to extinction.


20/04/07, Nils Klawitter, Asterix vs. The Romans - A German Town Tries to Live Without Big Energy, (Back).

Börnsen, a village in northern Germany, is spoiling energy giant E.on's business by creating its own electricity and natural gas supply. The idea could catch on elsewhere.

Börnsen, Germany, is a tranquil little place. When farmers there need a barbeque grill for their village festival, or money to renovate the local kindergarten, they ask "Walter" down at the village hall. Walter Heisch is mayor of this village near Hamburg. "Just about everyone knows everyone else," he writes on the community's website. "We see each other at the grocery store."

When it comes to the issue of energy, though, tempers rise, and Heisch turns into a combative village elder -- a figure straight from the Asterix comic book series, as the miniature of Gallic chieftain Majestix on the mayor's desk suggests. And that's when Börnsen turns into a tiny pocket of resistance.

The enemy, in this case, is the German energy firm E.on.

Börnsen has shown E.on's local subsidiary in the state of Schleswig-Holstein, E.on Hanse, how a small town can escape domination by a corporate energy giant by producing its own electricity and gas -- and how an average family can save about €75 ($100) a year in natural gas costs alone.

The statistics are from a state-wide price comparison prepared by Germany's Federal Cartel Office late last year, and they paint a picture of a village where quite a bit functions without support from the all-powerful utility.

Since E.on doesn't want Börnsen to give other municipal energy suppliers ideas, though, the giant utility has decided to pull out of Börnsen's energy-saving venture. The giant is defending itself, and that has Börnsen residents up in arms. "E.on is a bad word in Börnsen," says Joachim Reuland, head of the village-run utility, "Gas und Wärmedienst Börnsen GmbH," or just GWB.

A village-sized power supply

Ten years ago, Börnsen residents decided to build small communal heating power stations, powered by natural gas, which now supply heat to new housing developments and electricity to 80 percent of the village. The boilers at the three miniature power plants are "filled with a magic potion," says Reuland with a smile.

Börnsen has simply gotten a jump on what the major municipal utilities want to pursue as part of the gradual deregulation of the European energy market: Many German cities and towns want to reduce their dependence on big energy firms by building their own local power plants. The public works departments of eight German cities -- including Hanover, Frankfurt am Main, and Munich -- came together just last week to form an alliance that could become a fifth major player in a market dominated by a virtual cartel of four companies: E.on, RWE, Vattenfall and EnBW.

The project in Börnsen started with a citizens' initiative to secure a greener local energy supply. The village's proximity to the Krümmel nuclear power plant only 12 kilometers (seven miles) away -- and nightly alarms that brought half the village into the streets in pajamas -- had caused a lot of disgruntlement. Reuland co-founded an initiative to establish the local utility, GWB, in 1996. A municipal gas utility called Hamburger Gaswerke (in nearby Hamburg) served as a supplier and owner of a 40 percent interest in the company.

This arrangement worked well until four years ago, when E.on Hanse acquired Hamburger Gaswerke. That was when "all the hullabaloo" started, according to Mayor Heisch.

He says E.on asked the village to abandon its gas supply concept. "Instead of using our communal heating power stations, E.on wanted people to buy natural gas from them," says Heisch, "because that way there was more profit in it for them ... They wanted a 12-percent return."

E.on Hanse spokesman Carsten Thomsen-Bendixen disagrees, but only with the "specified amount" of the demand. He says everything was discussed and agreed on with the village. But village officials weren't prepared when E.on cut funding to GWB. "They essentially froze our accounts," says Heisch.

Reuland, who runs GWB in his spare time, looked into defense strategies. The village couldn't easily renege on its contract with E.on as the initial supplier of gas for the local plants; but Reuland found other ways to influence prices. His ideas were so inventive, in fact, that the Börnsen example could cause trouble beyond the borders of Schleswig-Holstein.

Following in big utilities' footsteps

Reuland's first move was to hire Vattenfall, an E.on competitor, to provide less expensive maintenance for Börnsen's power plants. Börnsen also found a way to save money on the purchasing end: Since last year, GWB has derived 25 percent of its natural gas requirements from Denmark. Also, in 2004, it was discovered that the sum of residents' individual meter readings was almost two percent higher than the amount of gas Börnsen purchased from E.on. Village officials suspect that for years residents had been paying for more than they received -- which explains why a single, municipal meter has replaced all the individual meters. The German Association of Energy Consumers confirms that this is not an isolated incident in the industry. E.on Hanse had no one who could comment on the meter dispute.

But then the villagers tore up a field and started to build a tube-shaped storage tank 100 meters (328 feet) long about a meter wide. They had a right to do so because the village had bought up its own gas network in 1997. But it was a cowboy maneuver: "At night, when the gas is cheaper, we open up the valve and fill the tank," says Reuland, "and during the day we keep it shut."

Reuland claims GWB is just following in the big utilities' footsteps. "They don't owe their wealth to the market successes of some young, dynamic managers, but to what their fathers and grandfathers had the foresight to keep buried safely underground" -- like the networks and storage tanks.

Since the gas price was based on a customer's "peak load," which the storage tank kept artificially low, E.on stood to lose quite a bit of money -- a realization that prompted its representatives on the GWB board of directors to halt the tank project. E.on also recently installed a co-director to run GWB together with Reuland. Although he rarely makes an appearance, he has to power to veto all board decisions.

All told, Börnsen has invested €13 million for its independent utility -- a huge investment for a community with only 3,800 residents. But over €3 million in loans has already been repaid, and in the long term the village isn't exactly in a bad position. It owns a natural gas network and the beginnings of an electricity grid. And Börnsen officials found a way of their own around the storage tank blockade: Funding for the tank was simply approved as part of a supplementary budget, where a simple majority was enough to approve the plan.

Reuland smiles at the village's community spirit. "We can be insufferable," he says, "when we work together."

(Back)

Lineaments

Post
12/04/07, Kate Connolly, Militant feminist on trial after 20 years on run, (Source).
19/04/07 , Steve Connor, The prospect of all-female conception, (Source).
12/02/07, BBC, Meinhof gang killer to be freed, (Source).
03/04/07, BBC, Thai prisoner boxes for freedom, (Source).
19/04/07, Andrew Gumbel, Killer sent photographs and video to broadcaster between shootings, (Source).
19/04/07, FOX, Virginia Police Say Killer's Manifesto Has Little Value to Investigation, (Source).
20/04/07, Christopher Whitcomb, Building a Better Lockdown, (Source).
20/04/07, Mark Santora & Christine Hauser, Anger of Killer Was on Exhibit in His Writings , (Source).
20/04/07, Rick Salutin, After VT, a sense of unease, (Source).


12/04/07, Kate Connolly, Militant feminist on trial after 20 years on run, (Back).

· Former Rote Zora member admits role in bombings
· 58-year-old led quiet life after fleeing Germany

Her code name was Lea, and in her 30s she abandoned the safety of her teaching job to take up the fight of oppressed women of the world through a systematic bombing campaign focused on an array of patriarchal targets from sex shops to sweat shops.
But after almost 20 years on the run, Adrienne Gershäuser admitted in court yesterday to her involvement in a 10-year assault by the militant feminist group Rote Zora.

One of the last remaining members of the leftwing group, Gershäuser yesterday told the Berlin court in a statement read by her lawyer that she had "wittingly and willingly" taken part in the bombing of a bio-technology institute and a clothing factory. An offshoot of the Revolutionary Cells, which formed in Frankfurt am Main in the early 70s, Rote Zora unleashed a wave of bomb attacks across Germany, focusing on sex shops, embassies and clothing factories which the group considered responsible for female oppression.

Unlike other far-left terrorist groups, such as the Red Army Faction, whose main ideals were anti-capitalist, Rote Zora members said they did not want to cause death or injury.

Gershäuser, 58, a qualified radio technician, helped build the bombs, buying the alarm clocks for detonators in two cases, neither of which were successful. She went on the run with her lover, Thomas Kram, a leading member of the Revolutionary Cells, in 1987, supposedly after a tip-off from the East German secret police, the Stasi. She emerged last December and gave herself up to the police.

Edith Lunnebach, Gershäuser's lawyer, told a German newspaper that her client wanted to make clear to the court "that the political connections which existed then no longer exist", and that she no longer supported them. Her client would not express remorse, and she had given herself up because she wanted to "bring to an end the situation of illegality which had become a burden".

Among the evidence against her were police surveillance photographs of her in Dortmund buying the type of alarm clock favoured by Rote Zora.

If convicted Gershäuser faces a maximum penalty of 10 years in jail for being a member of a terrorist organisation and for attempted bombing. But the authorities have indicated that as she turned herself in, and due to the time lapse, she will probably get a two-year suspended sentence.

In her written statement Gershäuser said that her acts had complied with the political views she had at that time. While the Revolutionary Cells focused on issues such as asylum and social welfare policies, Rote Zora concentrated on sex shops, genetic technology and the exploitation of women in developing countries, aiming at companies such as the electronics company Siemens.

Although their deeds were far apart in severity terms, parallels have been drawn between Gershäuser's case and that of the former Red Army Faction guerilla Brigitte Mohnhaupt, who last month, amid much controversy, was released from a 24-year prison sentence for nine murders. Both women have sparked deep interest about the involvement of women in terrorism.

Rote Zora is now little more than a footnote in the history of leftwing German terrorism; the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung called it "an almost forgotten chapter in the anti-imperialist battle".

Gershäuser did not speak in court yesterday. All that has emerged about her time on the run was that she and Kram, who was known as Malte, found refuge abroad for at least 10 years, where they are believed to have led a law-abiding life.

Kram, who is still in custody, has long been wanted in connection with kidnappings, shootings and hijackings, and the bomb attack on Bologna station in August 1980 in which 85 people were killed.

Rote Zora: Targets and tactics

The militant feminist organisation, based in West Germany, stood against patriarchy, including technologies such as nuclear power, and capitalist exploitation. It began as the feminist arm of the more violent Revolutionary Cells but then went its own way. Its last attack was in 1995, on a Bremen shipyard. The name came from Red Zora and Her Gang, a children's book tale about a red-haired Croatian orphan, written by Kurt Kläber in 1941.

Their first action was in 1974, a bombing of a Karlsruhe courthouse in protest at abortion law. Sex shops, landlords' cars, and genetic technical institutes were among their targets. The Philippines embassy was bombed for alleged support of trafficking of women. As was the intention, the bomb attacks never injured anyone.

Members were known as "after-work" terrorists as they often had middle-class jobs by day. When the cold war ended many fled underground. They were believed to have been behind 45 bombings and arson attacks.


19/04/07 , Steve Connor, The prospect of all-female conception, (Back).

Women might soon be able to produce sperm in a development that could allow lesbian couples to have their own biological daughters, according to a pioneering study published today.

Scientists are seeking ethical permission to produce synthetic sperm cells from a woman's bone marrow tissue after showing that it possible to produce rudimentary sperm cells from male bone-marrow tissue.

The researchers said they had already produced early sperm cells from bone-marrow tissue taken from men. They believe the findings show that it may be possible to restore fertility to men who cannot naturally produce their own sperm.

But the results also raise the prospect of being able to take bone-marrow tissue from women and coaxing the stem cells within the female tissue to develop into sperm cells, said Professor Karim Nayernia of the University of Newcastle upon Tyne.

Creating sperm from women would mean they would only be able to produce daughters because the Y chromosome of male sperm would still be needed to produce sons. The latest research brings the prospect of female-only conception a step closer.

"Theoretically is it possible," Professor Nayernia said. "The problem is whether the sperm cells are functional or not. I don't think there is an ethical barrier, so long as it's safe. We are in the process of applying for ethical approval. We are preparing now to apply to use the existing bone marrow stem cell bank here in Newcastle. We need permission from the patient who supplied the bone marrow, the ethics committee and the hospital itself."

If sperm cells can be developed from female bone-marrow tissue they will be matured in the laboratory and tested for their ability to penetrate the outer "shell" of a hamster's egg - a standard fertility test for sperm.

"We want to test the functionality of any male and female sperm that is made by this way," Professor Nayernia said. But he said there was no intention at this stage to produce female sperm that would be used to fertilise a human egg, a move that would require the approval of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority.

The immediate aim is to see if female bone marrow can be lured into developing into the stem cells that can make sperm cells. The ultimate aim is to discover if these secondary stem cells can then be made into other useful tissues of the body, he said.

The latest findings, published in the journal Reproduction: Gamete Biology, show that male bone marrow can be used to make the early "spermatagonial" stem cells that normally mature into fully developed sperm cells.

"Our next goal is to see if we can get the spermatagonial stem cells to progress to mature sperm in the laboratory and this should take around three to five years of experiments," Professor Nayernia said.

Last year, Professor Nayernia led scientists at the University of Gottingen in Germany who became the first to produce viable artificial sperm from mouse embryonic stem cells, which were used to produce seven live offspring.

His latest work on stem cells derived from human bone marrow suggests that it could be possible to develop the techniques to help men who cannot produce their own sperm naturally.

"We're very excited about this discovery, particularly as our earlier work in mice suggests that we could develop this work even further," Professor Nayernia said.

Whether the scientists will ever be able to develop the techniques to help real patients - male or female - will depend on future legislation that the Government is preparing as a replacement to the existing Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act.

A White Paper on genetics suggested that artificial gametes produced from the ordinary "somatic" tissue of the body may be banned from being used to fertilise human eggs by in vitro fertilisation.

Making babies without men - a literary view

LYSISTRATA, Aristophanes (c. 411BC)

After 21 years of war, the women of Athens, led by Lysistrata, take matters into their own hands. Lysistrata suggests every wife and mistress should refuse all sexual favours until peacetime. Before long it proves effective, peace is concluded and the play ends with festivities.

HERLAND, Charlotte Perkins Gilman (1914)

On the eve of the First World War, an isolated society entirely comprising Aryan women is discovered by three male explorers. The women reproduce asexually and live in an ideal society without war and domination. This feminist utopia is a 20th-century vehicle for Gilman's then-unconventional views of male and female behaviour, motherhood, individuality, and sexuality. It is said to be based on Gilman's version of utopia through Aryan separatism.

DISAPPEARANCE, Philip Wylie (1978)

At four minutes and 52 seconds past four one afternoon, the world shatters into two parallel universes as men vanish from women and women from men. With families and loved ones separated from one another, life continues very differently as an explosion of violence sweeps one world while stability and peace break down in the other.

THE CLEFT, Doris Lessing (2007)

In her novel, which has made this year's International Man Booker shortlist, Lessing portrays a group of near-amphibious women who have no need of men, known as Squirts, as they are impregnated by the wind, wave or moon. But this is no feminist utopia: the women behave brutally, mutilating male babies before placing them on a rock for eagles to devour. The eagles turn out to be the men's allies, transporting the babies to the forest where they are suckled by does. Lessing reveals she was inspired by a scientific claim that "the primal human stock was probably female, and that males came along later, as a kind of cosmic afterthought".


12/02/07, BBC, Meinhof gang killer to be freed, (Back).

Brigitte Mohnhaupt was once called the most evil woman in Germany.

A former member of the Baader-Meinhof gang is to be freed on probation after serving 24 years for her involvement in kidnappings and murders in the 1970s.

A German court ruled that Brigitte Mohnhaupt, 57, qualifies for early release after serving a minimum proportion of her five life sentences.

The group, also known as the Red Army Faction, were behind kidnaps and killings in West Germany.

The prospect of Mohnhaupt's release has sparked a fierce debate in Germany.

Mohnhaupt was convicted of involvement in nine murders. Victims included a judge, a banker and the employers' federation president.

BAADER-MEINHOF: Urban guerrilla group notorious in 1970s and 80s; Also known as the Red Army Faction; Targeted West German capitalist establishment.

The BBC's Steve Rosenberg, in Berlin, says she was once described as the most evil and dangerous woman in West Germany.

Separately, another prominent Red Army prisoner, Christian Klar, is seeking early release.

He has applied to the German president for a pardon.

Our correspondent says the prospect of Mohnhaupt and Klar being freed has sparked controversy in Germany and revived memories of one of the bloodiest episodes in the country's post-war history.

'No remorse'

The RAF sought to combat what it saw as capitalist oppression of workers and US imperialism.

It was active from about 1970 - having grown out of student anti-Vietnam war protests - until 1992, when it abandoned violence. It formally disbanded in 1998.

One of the group's most prominent targets was the German industrialist Hans Martin Schleyer - who was kidnapped in September 1977 and shot six weeks later.

"This is not a pardon, rather a decision that is based on specific legal considerations," Court statement.

Speaking before the court ruling, Mr Schleyer's son Joerg said members of the group had expressed no remorse for the killing.

"I can't understand that we would take [let] them out because within the last 30 years there's nothing they said - 'OK we're sorry we murdered your father, sorry for that, we murdered policemen, sorry for that.' Absolutely no word."

The court in Stuttgart said Mohnhaupt would be released on five years probation on 27 March.

"This is not a pardon, rather a decision that is based on specific legal considerations," the court said in a statement, Reuters news agency reported.

"The decision for probation was reached based on the determination that no security risk exists."


03/04/07, BBC, Thai prisoner boxes for freedom, (Back).

Siriporn's victory could see her walk free three years early.

A female Thai prisoner has boosted her chances of freedom by winning the world light flyweight boxing title.

Samson Sor Siriporn, a convicted drug dealer, beat Japan's Ayaka Miyano in a bout staged at the mixed Klong Prem jail, known as the "Bangkok Hilton".

Watched by dozens of prison staff, Siriporn won on points after 10 rounds in the ring, kick-starting parole proceedings for her early release.

The 24-year-old took up boxing to protect herself from violent inmates.

"I'm so happy with the way I performed today. I'm very proud. I've been in jail for a long time now, I hope this will see me released early," said Siriporn after the fight.

"When I'm free I'll carry on fighting. I want to fight all over the world."

'Changed woman'

The match took place in a makeshift ring in the grounds of the Klong Prem prison, in front of a crowd of about 700 people, including a few prison inmates.

Siriporn was jailed for selling methamphetamine pills.

Transvestites released from their cells for the event paraded in high heels around the ring with placards.

Siriporn, serving a 10-year sentence for selling small amounts of drugs, dominated the fight, taking the World Boxing Council title 97-93, 98-92, 100-91.

A Thai corrections department official said the parole process would start immediately.

"I think it's very likely she will be released as a result of this victory, maybe in a couple of months. We gave her a chance to show us her talent, and she has done that," said Natti Jitsawang.

"She is a changed woman, and now she has the chance to be free and fight around the world."

Organisers believe the win makes Siriporn the first inmate to clinch a world title in prison.


19/04/07, Andrew Gumbel, Killer sent photographs and video to broadcaster between shootings, (Back).

The man who shot dead 32 people at Virginia Tech took time out after committing the first two murders to post pictures and video to a national television network, police revealed yesterday.

Korean-Born English student Cho Seung-Hui sent a CD-Rom containing video footage of himself reading out an 1,800-word profanity-laced tirade about " getting even" and 29 digital photographs of himself brandishing weapons, 11 of which show him pointing a gun at the camera.

NBC Nightly News last night broadcasted excerpts of the video, in which Cho said: "You had a hundred billion chances and ways to avoid today. Now you have blood on your hands that will never wash off."

The package helped answer one of the many mysteries surrounding Cho and his motives ­ why there was a two-hour time lag between the first two killings and the rest of them, which took place in a teaching building housing the engineering department.

It surfaced on a day when numerous warning signs that Cho was psychologically troubled and prone to unusual and alarming behaviour were revealed. Campus police disclosed that he had been investigated for the sexual harassment of two students 17 months ago and was admitted to hospital after he was diagnosed with suicidal depression.

One of his teachers threatened to quit her job if he did not get out of her class. The chair of the English department sat down with him and expressed concern to her superiors. The students who reported him complained he had taken inappropriate photographs of them with his phone.

University officials said that nothing about his behaviour hinted at the kind of criminal enterprise he carried out. The women who complained to the police never filed charges, and one them described his actions as " annoying" rather than threatening.

The police have confirmed he left behind a typed eight-page note in which he railed against "rich kids" and what he saw as double standards on campus. "You caused me to do this," he wrote at one point. This appeared to be same text as read out in the video.

The New York Times also reported that prescription drugs used to treat psychological disorders were found among his effects. Almost every perpetrator of a mass shooting in the United States in recent years had either been on prescription drugs or had stopped taking them shortly before erupting in violence.

Cho's behaviour first became an issue in November 2005, when his angry, profanity-laced creative writing alarmed a number of English faculty members. Lucinda Roy, then the faculty chair, sent samples of his writing to the campus police and counselling services. Professor Roy also encouraged Cho to seek help. "But I couldn't force him to do it," she said. She felt that he might be suicidal. And she described talking to him as " like talking to a hole ... he was not really there".

Nikki Giovanni, a noted poet who teaches at Virginia Tech, said she became alarmed because Cho's behaviour and writing were causing other students to drop out of her class. "I was willing to resign before I was going to continue with him," she told CNN. She told him to stop writing what he was writing. "He said, 'You can't make me'," she said. "He was writing just weird things. I saw the plays, but he was writing poetry, it was intimidating."

After the complaints by the two female students, Cho spoke voluntarily to the police and was escorted to the Carilion Saint Albans Behavioural Health Centre, a mental health institution.

None of that, of course, provides a motive for the shootings. The two women who complained to the campus police were not among the victims. Neither were any immediately obvious classmates or professors. There is still no explanation, either, of why the shootings began in a residential hall and continued, two hours later, in the teaching building. After the first attacks, campus police suspected the boyfriend of the first victim, Emily Hilscher. The boyfriend, Karl Thornhill, was questioned and remains of interest to the investigation, police said. For the moment, though, they continue to presume that Cho acted alone.

Cho's words

* "You forced me into a corner and gave me only one option..."

* "I didn't have to do it. I could have left. I could have fled. But now I am no longer running. If not for me, for my children and my brothers and sisters that you [expletive]. I did it for them..."

* "When the time came, I did it, I had to ... You had a hundred billion chances and ways to have avoided today ... you just want to crucify me ... But you decided to spill my blood. You forced me into a corner and gave me only one option. The decision was yours. Now you have blood on your hands that will never wash off."

* "Your Mercedes wasn't enough, you brats ... Your golden necklaces weren't enough, you snobs. Your trust funds wasn't enough. Your vodka and cognac wasn't enough. All your debaucheries weren't enough. Those weren't enough to fulfil your hedonistic needs. You had everything."


19/04/07, FOX, Virginia Police Say Killer's Manifesto Has Little Value to Investigation, (Back).

Cho Seung-Hui, 23, of South Korea, is identified by Virginia police as the gunman suspected of killing 32 people on April 16.

BLACKSBURG, Va. — The disturbing manifesto and videos of Cho Seung-Hui sent to NBC News have some value to police, but they didn't add much that investigators didn't already know, officials said Thursday.

"While there was some marginal value to the package we received, the fact of the matter is, we already had most of this evidence … the package simply confirmed what we already knew in many cases," Virginia State Police Superintendent Col. Steve Flaherty told reporters Thursday, adding that school officials were "disappointed" at the media's decision to air the video.

"I just hate that a lot of people not used to seeing that type of image had to see it," he said.

On NBC's "Today" show Thursday, host Meredith Vieira said the decision to air the information "was not taken lightly." Some victims' relatives canceled their plans to speak with NBC because they were upset over the airing of the images, she said.

"I saw his picture on TV, and when I did I just got chills," said Kristy Venning, a junior at Virginia Tech from Franklin County, Va. "There's really no words. It shows he put so much thought into this and I think it's sick."

Meanwhile, Thursday, Virginia Tech officials announced that Cho's victims would be awarded their degrees posthumously during commencement.

Cho apparently took time out Monday morning — possibly after killing two students in a campus dorm room — so he could pose for self-portraits and put together a multi-media manifesto that he then took to the post office and mailed to NBC News in New York City.

The package contained an assortment of video, photo and written documents put together by Cho, the FBI said. In addition to the video, NBC News said the package contained 29 photos he apparently took of himself, 11 of which show him posing with handguns. There also was an 1,800-word written document.

"You have vandalized my heart, raped my soul and torched my conscience," he said into the camera, looking down occasionally to read from his manifesto. "You thought it was one pathetic boy's life you were extinguishing. Thanks to you, I die like Jesus Christ, to inspire generations of the weak and the defenseless people."

"I could have fled, I will no longer run," Cho said.

And then, in a possible indication that he made the recording after the dorm killings and two hours before the murders of 30 others in a campus classroom building, this confession:

"The time came and I did it. ... I had to do what I did."

"But now I am no longer running. If not for me, for my children and my brothers and sisters that you (expletive). I did it for them."

The 23-year-old spoke in a harsh monotone as he rambled: "You had a hundred billion chances and ways to have avoided today. But you decided to spill my blood. You forced me into a corner and gave me only one option. The decision was yours. Now you have blood on your hands that will never wash off."

He then took aim at his college classmates.

"Your Mercedes wasn't enough, you brats," said Cho, a South Korean immigrant whose parents work at a dry cleaners in Centreville, Va., a Washington suburb. "Your golden necklaces weren't enough you snobs. Your trust funds wasn't enough. Your vodka and cognac wasn't enough. All your debaucheries weren't enough. Those weren't enough to fulfill your hedonistic needs. You had everything."

There has been some speculation, especially among online forums, that Cho may have been inspired by the South Korean movie "Oldboy," part of Chan-wook Park's "Vengeance Trilogy." One of the killer's mailed photos shows him brandishing a hammer — the signature weapon of the protagonist — and in a pose similar to one from the film.

The film won the Gran Prix prize at the Cannes Film Festival in 2004. It was the second of Park's "Vengeance Trilogy" and is about a man unjustly imprisoned for 15 years. After escaping, he goes on a rampage against his captor.

The connection was spotted by Professor Paul Harris of Virginia Tech, who alerted the authorities, according to London's Evening Standard.

It has become commonplace for movies or music to be linked to especially violent killers. One blogger for the Huffington Post, filmmaker Bob Cesca, dismissed the connection as "the most ridiculous hypothesis yet."

Authorities on Thursday disclosed that more than a year before the massacre, Cho had been accused of sending unwanted messages to two women and was taken to a psychiatric hospital on a magistrate's orders and was pronounced a danger to himself. But he was released with orders to undergo outpatient treatment.

Among other things, Cho's twisted, violence-filled writings and sullen, vacant-eyed demeanor had disturbed professors and students so much that he was removed from one English class and was repeatedly urged to get counseling.

Some of the pictures in the video package show him smiling; others show him frowning and snarling. Some depict him brandishing two weapons at a time, one in each hand. He wears a khaki-colored military-style vest, fingerless gloves, a black T-shirt, a backpack and a backward, black baseball cap. Another photo shows him swinging a hammer two-fisted. Another shows an angry-looking Cho holding a gun to his temple.

He refers to "martyrs like Eric and Dylan" — a reference to the teenage killers in the Columbine High School massacre.

NBC News President Steve Capus said the package was sent by overnight delivery but apparently had the wrong ZIP code and wasn't opened until Wednesday, NBC said.

An alert postal employee brought the package to NBC's attention after noticing the Blacksburg return address and a name similar to the words reportedly found scrawled in red ink on Cho's arm after the bloodbath, "Ismail Ax," NBC said.

Capus said that the network notified the FBI around noon, but held off reporting on it at the FBI's request, so that the bureau could look at it first. NBC finally broke the story just before police announced the development at 4:30 p.m.

It was clear Cho videotaped himself, Capus said, because he could be seen leaning in to shut off the camera.

State Police Spokeswoman Corinne Geller cautioned that, while the package was mailed between the two shootings, police have not inspected the footage and have yet to establish exactly when the images were made.

Cho repeatedly suggests he was picked on or otherwise hurt.

"You have vandalized my heart, raped my soul and torched my conscience," he says, apparently reading from his manifesto. "You thought it was one pathetic boy's life you were extinguishing. Thanks to you, I die like Jesus Christ, to inspire generations of the weak and the defenseless people."

A law enforcement official said Cho's letter also refers in the same sentence to President Bush and John Mark Karr, who falsely confessed last year to having killed child beauty queen JonBenet Ramsey. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because the person was not authorized to speak to the media.

Earlier Wednesday, authorities disclosed that in November and December 2005, two women complained to campus police that they had received calls and computer messages from Cho. But the women considered the messages "annoying," not threatening, and neither pressed charges, Virginia Tech Police Chief Wendell Flinchum said.

Neither woman was among the victims in the massacre, police said.

After the second complaint about Cho's behavior, the university obtained a temporary detention order and took Cho away because an acquaintance reported he might be suicidal, authorities said. Police did not identify the acquaintance.

On Dec. 13, 2005, a magistrate ordered Cho to undergo an evaluation at Carilion St. Albans, a private psychiatric hospital. The magistrate signed the order after an initial evaluation found probable cause that Cho was a danger to himself or others as a result of mental illness.

The next day, according to court records, doctors at Carilion conducted further examination and a special justice, Paul M. Barnett, approved outpatient treatment.

A medical examination conducted Dec. 14 reported that that Cho's "affect is flat. ... He denies suicidal ideations. He does not acknowledge symptoms of a thought disorder. His insight and judgment are normal."

The court papers indicate that Barnett checked a box that said Cho "presents an imminent danger to himself as a result of mental illness." Barnett did not check the box that would indicate a danger to others.

It is unclear how long Cho stayed at Carilion, though court papers indicate he was free to leave as of Dec. 14. Virginia Tech spokesman Larry Hincker said Cho had been continually enrolled at Tech and never took a leave of absence.

A spokesman for Carilion St. Albans would not comment.

Though the incidents with the two women did not result in criminal charges, police referred Cho to the university's disciplinary system, Flinchum said. But Ed Spencer, assistant vice president of student affairs, would not comment on any disciplinary proceedings, saying federal law protects students' medical privacy even after death.

Some students refused to second-guess the university.

"Who would've woken up in the morning and said, 'Maybe this student who's just troubled is really going to do something this horrific?"' said Elizabeth Hart, a communications major and a spokeswoman for the student government.

Classes were scheduled to continue at Virginia Tech on Monday. University Provost Mark McNamee said school officials were outlining a way to let students complete their courses, possibly by allowing their work to this point in the semester count as completed.

Disturbing Signs

One of the first Virginia Tech officials to recognize Cho's problems was award-winning poet Nikki Giovanni, who kicked him out of her introduction to creative writing class in late 2005.

Students in Giovanni's class had told their professor that Cho was taking photographs of their legs and knees under the desks with his cell phone. Female students refused to come to class. She said she considered him "mean" and "a bully."

Lucinda Roy, professor of English at Virginia Tech, said that she, too, relayed her concerns to campus police and various other college units after Cho displayed antisocial behavior in her class and handed in disturbing writing assignments.

But she said authorities "hit a wall" in terms of what they could do "with a student on campus unless he'd made a very overt threat to himself or others." Cho resisted her repeated suggestion that he undergo counseling, Roy said.

Questions lingered over whether campus police should have issued an immediate campus-wide warning of a killer on the loose and locked down the campus after the first burst of gunfire.

Police said that after the first shooting, in which two students were killed, they believed that it was a domestic dispute, and that the gunman had fled the campus. That man is no longer a suspect.

A dormitory neighbor of the first two victims, Ryan Clark, 22, and Emily Hilscher, 19, described on ABC's "Good Morning America" what she saw that morning in Ambler Johnson Hall.

"I heard a really loud female voice scream. I opened my door and that's when I saw the blood and the footprints, the sneaker-prints, leading in a trail from her room," Molly Donahue said.

That's when she saw Clark, a resident assistant in the dorm, on the floor against a door, she said. A friend later told her he was dead. Donahue she said has since tried to return to the dorm but felt physically ill and is still terrified.

"I got to the point where I can't be alone," she said.


20/04/07, Christopher Whitcomb, Building a Better Lockdown, (Back).

I was at my desk at the F.B.I.’s Critical Incident Response Group on April 20, 1999, when a colleague ducked his head into my office and asked if I’d heard the news. A school shooting in Colorado. Some place called Columbine. At least 10 dead. Columbine, I remember thinking as I clicked on the bank of TVs on the far wall. Where in God’s name is that?

After 13 years as an F.B.I. agent, I’d become somewhat inured to violence: bank robberies, murders, Waco, Ruby Ridge, Oklahoma City. Death had become my business. Yet these images were appalling. Teenagers were dying in a public high school. Almost as disturbing, I saw panic: people running, blue uniforms and black-garbed SWAT officers with rifles pointing at a threat no one yet understood. Confusion. Crisis. Dismay.

Such confusion may have been understandable eight years ago. But that was before a 16-year-old boy killed five students, a teacher and a guard in a Minnesota school; before a recently expelled student turned a gun on officials and students at Appalachian School of Law, killing three; before a truck driver shot 10 girls (killing five) at an Amish schoolhouse in Pennsylvania.

It was before the F.B.I.’s National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime held a symposium of 160 educators, law enforcement professionals and mental health experts from 18 universities in Leesburg, Va., and issued a comprehensive report on causes, mitigation strategies and security considerations of school shootings.

It was before this country’s 18,000 law enforcement agencies revised training procedures and adopted crisis-response protocols to deal with similar threats; before the release of dozens of relevant books, academic studies, television programs and documentaries; before high schools, colleges and universities made uniformed security guards a part of campus life.

So how did we end up here, yet again? Why are we still asking how a calamity like the deaths at Virginia Tech could happen?

The most obvious reason, and one that’s been widely discussed in the days since the shootings, is complacency. Well, we can wring our hands all we want, but to some extent complacency is unavoidable: it’s what sneaks in after all the blame has been handed out, the news media have disappeared, the critics have taken their shots and the political knees have stopped jerking.

There’s also a psychological reason for letting our guard down: we all want to return to day-to-day business and focus on things that are most likely to affect us. Deeper down, there is a natural instinct in all of us to block out the idea that anything so unthinkable could happen to us. To stay alert means to acknowledge that horror is just around the corner, and that runs against human nature.

And, to some extent, complacency is a rational response: major crises like Columbine and Blacksburg are statistically unlikely ever to directly involve any of us. Federal agencies like the F.B.I. and Department of Homeland Security try to maintain focus, dumping hundreds of millions of dollars each year into crisis management programs, but most other agencies are loath to spend hard-fought tax dollars on “frivolous” equipment and training they are unlikely ever to use.

Outside major metropolitan areas, high-level police officers won’t face anything even remotely like Blacksburg during their careers. It simply makes better sense to finance anti-gang operations and drug eradication programs in schools than to pay SWAT operators to sit around waiting for 16-year-old assassins. The solution doesn’t lie in blaming complacency for these events, but in finding a level of preparedness that, for local jurisdictions and large institutions, makes sense in terms of risk and expense.

A far less discussed reason we find ourselves facing another massacre is inexperience. Law enforcement is a noble profession, filled with men and women who devote their lives to protecting our communities; but crisis resolution in most departments is a career path that administrators and those with hopes for promotion avoid like the plague.

Why volunteer for the chance to make split-second choices under the worst possible circumstances, knowing you are going to be second-guessed and perhaps blamed every step of the way? The F.B.I.’s Critical Incident Response Group had to develop a computer-based training program because field office commanders resisted larger interagency training conducted by real people. These people knew that poor performance in simulations could damage their careers for real.

So, how do we move forward and prevent another nightmare like Blacksburg?

For starters, we have to assign blame where it belongs: on those who commit these heinous acts. Then our schools, businesses, hospitals, other institutions and communities must take the simple, commonsense decisions that countless studies recommend. Sure, the sorts of precautionary steps and community awareness being promoted in the wake of the Virginia Tech shootings are important, but all the profiling and counseling in the world will not stop every attack. We need to prepare for and deal with the attack itself.

•

Every institution should have a crisis response plan. The scope and complexity will of course depend on factors like population, square footage and the presence of hazardous materials, but most don’t have to be expensive. Often small businesses can get away with simply taping a sheet of paper next to the copier that identifies exits, emergency contacts and safe areas inside the building. Most large corporations and institutions will need to find professional advice. (As someone who provides such advice, I admit it doesn’t come cheap. But the cost of preparation will pay off should disaster strike.)

•

While each plan will be different, the fundamentals remain the same. All should insure that potential victims are able to maintain two-way contact with law enforcement and emergency medical providers. Many people feel that crisis-call stations, which have long been staples at universities and in some communities, are no longer necessary in the age of cellphones. That’s wrong: these brightly marked, well-lighted phone towers not only provide communications when cellular networks are overloaded, but their very presence can deter attackers.

•

Whenever written emergency directions are posted, they should include understandable symbols for foreign-language speakers, children and the visually impaired. That may seem obvious, but I can’t tell you how many “emergency plans” I’ve seen that bogged down in unnecessary verbiage, directed people to nonexistent stairwells and failed to consider non-English speakers.

•

All emergency plans should prominently list a “check in” number that every employee or student should be asked to call in the event of emergency. Even if you feel you are safe, rescue experts need to know where you are and how many people are in the area. (It will also provide relief to your family if the situation drags on.)

•

Large institutions should compile detailed, easily available “site surveys” of buildings and campuses that rescue and law-enforcement officials can use to plan their strategies in a crisis. Site surveys should include blueprints of all buildings and infrastructure, videotapes of interior spaces, lock information, charts of surveillance camera coverage, notes on access to tunnels and other information.

•

I recommend to my clients that they get a professional risk assessment of all their current policies that can, for example, point out improvements to exterior lighting and in their ability to “lock down” all buildings.

•

While the police and medical professionals will eventually take charge, every institution should have set response protocols for its security personnel and employees who will manage the initial stages of the crisis. Where possible, planners should build and hire security staff for safe zones that these people can operate from, and where potential victims can take refuge.

•

And because all threats — natural, criminal or terrorism-related — eventually require evacuation, employers should make sure their people know where and under what circumstance they should move from “bunkering in place” to trying an escape. Often it is safer to find cover where you are than to expose yourself by running away. Helping your workers understand how to make the right decision can mean the difference between life and death.

As I reflect on the Blacksburg shootings and think about ways to keep it from happening again, I look back to that April afternoon in 1999 and the important project I was trying to finish. It was a paper on crisis management — one of the last requirements I needed for the master’s degree I soon received. From Virginia Tech.


20/04/07, Mark Santora & Christine Hauser, Anger of Killer Was on Exhibit in His Writings , (Back).

BLACKSBURG, Va., April 19 — More than anyone else on the Virginia Tech campus, it was the professors and students in the English department who knew of the mental turmoil of Cho Seung-Hui.

Where the Virginia Tech police only heard scattered reports of his harassing behavior, and mental health professionals knew of his suicidal tendencies, it was the English department — where he was a major — that read his writings and saw the images of persecution, revenge and anger that they revealed, many months before he erupted into violence on Monday and killed 32 people, as well as himself.

And those English professors and students appear to have worked harder than anyone to intervene in his life. Trying to balance the freedom needed to be creative against the warning signs of psychosis, as many as eight of his teachers in the last 18 months had formed what one called a “task force” to discuss how to handle him, gathering twice on the subject and frequently communicating among themselves.

On at least two separate occasions they reached out to university officials, telling them as recently as this September that Mr. Cho was trouble. They made little headway, however, and no action was taken by school administrators in response to their concerns.

The students also made their fears known, some even refusing to attend class as long Mr. Cho was there. Others tried to reach out to him.

Ross Alameddine sat a few feet from Mr. Cho for months in a class examining contemporary horror films and literature. Both students were required to keep what were known as “fear journals,” where they chronicled both their reaction to the material covered in class and their own fears.

Mr. Alameddine, according to classmates, made an effort to speak to Mr. Cho on several occasions, trying to draw him out of his closed world and his refusal to interact with other students.

On Monday, Mr. Cho shot and killed Mr. Alameddine.

There is no evidence to suggest that Mr. Cho targeted his classmate, but it is the first time one of the victims has been connected to Mr. Cho before the shootings.

The class they took together was new, offered for the first time last fall. The students studied movies like “Friday the 13th” and read Stephen King, H. P. Lovecraft and Patricia Cornwell novels. “We had a whole discussion on serial killers,” said one student, who asked that she not be named because she wanted to avoid a crush of attention from the news media.

Mr. Cho never spoke during the discussion, she said, but he took notes.

The student and Mr. Cho were in another class as well, a small class on playwriting, during which she grew fascinated by him.

“In all honesty, I took a huge interest in him last semester,” she said. “I never heard him speak a word, and I was so curious about him. I actually tried to follow him after class one day, but he got on a bike and I couldn’t keep up. He had a red bicycle.”

In interviews with six members of the English faculty who had Mr. Cho in a class or had been in close contact with him, they described how as early as September 2005 and as recently as September 2006, they found themselves struggling to define the line between a legitimate work of self-expression and one of violent or sick imagery that needed to be restrained.

“Sometimes, in creative writing, people reveal things and you never know if it’s creative or if they’re describing things, if they’re imagining things or just how real it might be,” said Prof. Carolyn Rude, chairwoman of the English Department. “But we’re all alert to not ignore things like this.”

Lisa Norris, an English professor, said that, outside of an explicit threat that was rooted in reality, it would be impossible to have some kind of standard by which to judge whether a student’s work was so alarming as to warrant intervention.

“If the student seems abnormal in his behavior or affect and is writing about violence, then there could be something to worry about — particularly if the resolution of the story includes suicide or murder for major characters or otherwise ends in despair,” she said. “It is not necessarily the work alone that raises concern, but the work plus the student’s affect and behavior.”

In Mr. Cho’s case, she was alarmed before he had written a word.

When he signed up for the 10-person workshop she taught this year, Professor Norris was worried that he simply would not communicate, and in September she reached out to one of her superiors, Mary Ann Lewis, the associate dean at the College of Liberal Arts and Human Sciences. She said Ms. Lewis was helpful but had no information about prior problems, including his hospitalization at a mental health facility in 2005. Ms. Lewis said she had no comment on the conversation.

But Mr. Cho’s bizarre behavior was evident to students, faculty and police going back to 2005.

“Nobody took too much notice of him except for that’s the kinda weird quiet kid who never talks,” said Steven Davis, 23, a senior who was in a drama class with him. “Until we read his work. And then it was like whoa, something is off.”

One woman, an English major who was in a contemporary British fiction class with Mr. Cho in the fall of 2005 and who asked not to be identified, said he sent her unsolicited electronic messages after seeing her in class and then looking her up on the Facebook Web site.

Mr. Cho, she said, also stalked another girl in the class, scaring her so badly that she went to the police that December.

That matches the campus police account of a woman who came to them in December 2005, part of a series of events that culminated with Mr. Cho being held for psychiatric evaluation and later released.

She said Mr. Cho knew things about her family that would be difficult to know without serious effort. For instance, he knew what sports her siblings played in high school.

Beyond that, he simply acted strange. On the first day of class the teacher asked everyone to stand up and introduce themselves.

“When it was his turn, he didn’t stand up and he said his name was Question Mark,” she said.

Professor Lucinda Roy, who was the head of the English Department in the fall of 2005, chose to deal with Mr. Cho by removing him from a group class and tutoring him. She also passed along his writing, which she described as “angry,” to both the Virgnia Tech police and the university counseling service.

Prof. Edward Falco, who last semester had him in a playwrighting class, did not make the other students read or critique two of Mr. Cho’s plays that contained violent images and profane language. But he alerted other faculty members, and learned that they, too, had been concerned.

After the shooting Monday, Professor Falco’s students began sending him messages about how they felt guilty for not doing or saying something earlier. Professor Falco responded in an e-mail message, hoping to help put their minds at ease.

“There was violence in Cho’s writing — but there is a huge difference between writing about violence and behaving violently,” he wrote. “We could not have known what he would do.”


20/04/07, Rick Salutin, After VT, a sense of unease, (Back).

I think it's stupid to say, as the CBC has, that not running Cho Seung-Hui's video will help stop further slaughter. It only shows how desperately unclear everyone is about how to deal with these events. There's nothing new about the potential for violent outbursts in unstable individuals. The trick is preventing them. That's what is in doubt now, in North America.

Even those with the clearest answer -- gun control -- suffer from unease. The Toronto Star's Thomas Walkom warns: "But don't assume gun control alone will prevent another school shooting. There is something dark and dangerous going on in North America." On the right, John O'Sullivan says "radical evil" is afoot, to deny God, deny Good. U.S. writer Paul Craig Roberts, who is sort of both left and right, says, "In my day parents and teachers had authority. Today teachers have no authority, which is why they have to call the police to control the kids."

I tend to agree that there are uncomfortable issues about authority here. Take the role of faculty and staff at Virginia Tech. I found them impressive. They showed concern, identified the risky student and got him to a psychiatric facility. His English profs removed him from class but tutored him. Yet they were ineffective in the crucial task of protecting the community from danger compared to the less professional players of earlier eras: family, friends, community, religion. Those societies seemed better than ours at containing the violent, anarchic impulses of individuals.

I know this sounds awfully traditional. Let me try to save myself from nostalgia for the fifties (or 1500s) by saying what I think "worked" in earlier times. The ability to keep the dangerous impulses of individuals under control was based on an entire social fabric that was hierarchical and patriarchal. It included religion, institutionalized in churches; and a moral code that tolerated sex within narrow limits. Parental authority was backed by religion (honour thy parents) and by sanctions such as the threat of hell.

All this was internalized in a sense of guilt and shame over violations. There was reverence for country, and a sense of debt to those who died in war "for us." There was a penal code that didn't stand much tinkering in the name of civil rights, and a set of formal outlets for violent impulses that had been repressed. These included regular wars on a massive scale, as well as institutionalized racism and lynching. In such societies, dissenters -- artists, rebels etc. -- could feel a certain security that their acts would not lead to total social breakdown and chaos frightening even to themselves. It all "worked" in the sense that it largely kept the lid on menacing impulses, or channelled them elsewhere than the local schoolyard or college. With the breakdown in recent decades of this fabric, particular players can try to impose controls and limits -- parents, schools, teachers, courts, governments -- but they will not be nearly as effective as they were within a total framework that no longer exists.

The human and emotional costs were monstrous. People were dulled to their own experience and each other. I would not want to restore this set of constraints if one could, and one can't. You can't put that lid back on again. You can only try and fail, with further disastrous consequences.

The issue is now: Can our society devise a set of social controls that prevent explosions like Virginia Tech, but do not require severe repression and an impossible return to the undesirable traits of earlier eras? A teacher of mine, Herbert Marcuse, phrased this as: Can you have non-repressive desublimation? -- mainly showing how hard it is to even formulate the question. Can you have a non-racist, non-patriarchal, non-sexually repressive, non-hierarchical, non-authoritarian yet orderly society that manages to control its potentially aberrant members? What would it look like and how would you get there? That's the utopian project for our time. The two scripts in the past 50 years that claimed to have an answer -- Marxism and free-market ideology -- have lost most of their legitimacy. The floor is wide open.

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